Died.

In Petersburg, Va., Mr. Israel Decoudry, a native of one [sic] the French West India Islands.
The subject of this notice, came to the United States during the << revolutionary war>> with the Count D. Grasse, and at the termination of that eventful struggle, settled in this country having made Petersburg his permanent place of residence. - He was a most respectable man, and was most sincerely esteemed by those with whom he associated. He as an affectionate husband, a tender father, a pious, humble christian, having been about forty years a member of the Baptist Church in this place. He was plain, in his carriage, uniform in his deportment, ardent in his attachment to the Church of God, and more particularly so in the decline of life. Cheerful in his devotion, and happy in the prospect of a blissful immortality, under the infirmities of old age, he realized the benefits of religion, and bore unequivocal testimony to the fact, that the grace of God was sufficient to deliver him from the fear of death.
Old Dominion.

Died.

In this city on the 29th inst. Mr. Robert J. Batson.
On the 14th inst, Emeline, wife of Mr. George S. Knoles, aged 34 years.
On the 25th inst. after a lingering and painful illness which he bore with the most exemplary and Christian fortitude, Mr. Philips Jenkins, aged 50 years.
Mr. Jenkins was a native of Philadelphia, but for many years a resident of this city, and a useful member of the New York, African Society for Mutual Relief.
In this city, on the 23d inst. Mr. Scipio White, a native of Africa, aged 85.
In this city, on the 26th inst. Clarissa Anne Salesbury, aged 8. years.
In this city, on the 27th inst. Elmira Frances, daughter of Mr. George Hamlet, aged 2 years and 2 months.
In this city on the fourth inst. Laban Lanson, a coloured man, aged 82, and for many years an inhabitant of this place. He was a native of this state, and served four years as a soldier in the << Revolutionary War>> . During several of the last years of his life, in which infirmities increased upon him, his pension from Government was a timely blessing. The rich consolations of the gospel of Christ which he had publicly professed to embrace, enabled him to bear his trials with submission and to hope unto the end. - N. H. Register. The number of deaths in Philadelphia during the past weeks, ending 25th inst. were 88 - 9 were persons of colour.

CHEROKEE PHOENIX.

A paper of this title, the Prospectus of which we published some months since, has made its appearance. It is printed in alternate columns of English and Cherokee, The Cherokee is in the newly invented character of Guess, a native. It is edited by Elias Boudinott, also a native - Harris, printer; and published at New Echota, Cherokee Nation, at $2.50 in advance. 3 dollars at the expiration of six months, or 3.50 at the end of a year. Its style and execution full equal our expectations.

The Cherokees, until the << Revolutionary war>> , inhabited that part of this State which now forms Pendleton and Greenville districts, and occupied possessions to a considerable extent in Georgia. By a treaty executed at Dewitt's Corner, on the 20th May, 1777, they ceded, for ever, to South Carolina, all their lands eastward of the Uncaye mountains. They formerly consisted of the following tribes; Echotes, after which the town New Echota appears to be named - Nequasse, Tehohee, Chatusae, Nayomes, Chagee, Estatoe, Tussee, Cussatee, Sugoola, Keyauwee, Echay, Acconnee, Toxawaw, Maguchie, Quacoratchie, Stickoey, Enoe, Totero, Esaw, Sapana, Wisaek - all of which except two, are said to have entirely disappeared. This was once a very formidable nation, but now it is inconsiderable, both in number and force. The Indian tribes have literally melted away before the white man. What civilization and Christianity will do for them we have yet to learn. Already the aspect of this and other nations is changed; and still greater changes are anticipated as exertions shall be made in their behalf. - Charleston Obs.

LEGAL RIGHTS VINDICATED.

Our readers will rejoice with us in the righteous verdict given in the following case. Miss Elizabeth Jennings, whose courageous conduct in the premises, is beyond all praise, comes of a good old New York stock. Her grandfather, Jacob Cartwright, a native African, was a soldier in the << Revolutionary War>> , and took active part in city politics until the time of his death in 1824; her father, Mr. Thomas L. Jennings, as mentioned in our paper of the 16th inst., as having delivered an oration on the Emancipation of the slaves in this State in 1827; and he was a founder of the New York African Society for Mutual Relief, and of other institutions for the benefit and elevation of the colored people. In this suit he has broke new ground which he proposes to follow up by the formation of a “Legal Rights League.”

We hold our New York city gentlemen responsible for the carrying out of this decision into practice, by putting an end to their exclusion from cars and omnibuses; they must be craven indeed if they fail to follow the lead of a woman; we hope to present our readers wit a full report of the charge of Judge Rockwell; it was equal to the occasion.

“A WHOLESOME VERDICT. The case of Elizabeth Jennings vs. the Third Ave. Railroad Company, was tried yesterday in the Brooklyn Circuit, before Judge Rockwell. The plaintiff is a colored lady, a teacher in one of the public schools, and the organist in one of the churches in this city. She got upon one of the Company's cars last summer, ion the Sabbath, to ride to church. The conductor finally undertook to get her off, first alleging the car was full, and when that was shown to be false, he pretended the other passengers were displeased at he presence; but as she saw nothing of that, and insisted on her rights, he took hold of her by force to expel her. She resisted, they got her down to the platform, jammed her bonnet, soiled her dress, and injured her person. Quite a crowd gathered around, but she effectually resisted, and they were not able to get her off. Finally, after the car had gone on further, they got the aid of a policeman, and succeeded in getting her form the car. She instructed her attorneys, Messrs. Culver, Parker and Arthur, to prosecute the Company, together with the driver and conductor. The two latter interposed no defense, the Company took issue, and the cause was yesterday brought to trial. Judge Rockwell gave a very clear and able charge, instructing the Jury that the Company were liable for the acts of their agents, whether committed carelessly and negligently, or willfully and maliciously. That they were common carriers, and as such bound to carry all respectable persons; that colored persons, if sober, well behaved, and free from disease, had the same rights as others; and could neither be excluded by any rules of the Company, nor by force or violence; and in case of such expulsion or exclusion, the Company was liable.
“The plaintiff claimed $500 in her complaint, and a majority of the Jury wee for giving her the full amount; but others maintained some peculiar notions as to colored people's rights, and they finally agreed on $225, on which the Court added ten percent besides the costs.”
“Railroads, steamboats, omnibuses, and ferry-boats will be admonished from this, as to the rights of respectable colored people. It is high time the rights of this class of citizens were ascertained, and that it should be known whether they are to be thrust from our public conveyances, while German or Irish women, with a quarter of mutton or a load of codfish, can be admitted.” N.Y. Tribune.

HARLEM, NEW YORK, January 12, 1852.

MR. EDITOR: - I am far removed from the din and bustle of the city; the hum of busy life comes to me somewhat relieved and chastened from the noise and turmoil which pervades Gotham; yet can I, even here, partake, in part, (in spirit at least) of the cares and pleasures, enjoyments and vexations of the great city which lies spread like a map almost beneath my feet, without the confusion with which the denizens therein are surrounded.

Before going fully into epistleizing, let me give you a glance at my location. Harlem is a suburban village about ten miles from New York, almost as old as the city itself; but until the establishment of the Harlem railroad, its whereabouts was as indefinite and its existence as problematical as is "Communipaw" at this day. It has, however, about it that which the modern palaces of Merchant Princes, and the city like improvements which are extending themselves around us, cannot divest it. These, together with the quaint looking old buildings, some partly modernized, and some in a semi-ruinous state, the remnants of the unfinished Canal on one side, the Railroad on the other, and the Telegraphic wires through the centre of the villages representing the three epochs of progress, the past, present and future - these I say make Harlem look like a dwarfish elder brother of New York, with high heel boots on to disguise his pigmy height, and paint, powder, wig, &c., to hide the wrinkles and decrepitude of age.

Our village is built on a Champlain country, about two-hundred feet above the level of the city. East of us is seen that beautiful inland sea known as Long Island Sound, which, for warlike associations, romantic legends and Indian traditions, and true picturesque beauty, may well be called the Mediterranean of the Western World. North, stands the fertile county of West Chester, diversified by undulating hill and dale; the famous neutral ground of the << Revolutionary War>> , between which and Harlem looms majestically that massive structure known as the High Bridge which conveys the water from Croton lake to the city. West, we are bounded by rock, hill and forest, with an occasional glimpse of the Hudson, beyond which are seen the palisades of Jersey. South, lies New York. The space between us is intersected with spots of vegetation, houses, lawns, grottoes and gardens, with here and there a small spot of clustering trees, which resembles a miniature forest.

The Committee of Thirteen are creating considerable excitement, and occupy a large space in the public mind. Their visit to Kossuth, (at which, I see, Prof. Allen takes umbrage,) together with their other recent transactions, have elicited for them considerable notoriety. I hope their future public actions will be in accordance with their professions, and what is expected of them.

Yours truly,
COSMOPOLITE.

NO COLONIZATION. - We copy from the Bugle the following account of proceedings at a meeting of the colored people of Fort Wayne, Ind. The meeting was called to take into consideration the merits of an appeal made to the colored people of that state, by Wm. W. Findlay, urging them, if they would enjoy social, civil and political privileges, to colonize in Liberia. Here is the answer to that appeal:
Resolved, That the enjoyment of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness belongs to us as an inalienable right from our Creator, in common with all mankind.
Though denied in some things the full enjoyment of liberty and the pursuit of happiness at present, which are awarded to the whites, yet we are determined to use all lawful means, and to continue in so doing, until we shall be allowed the full privileges of American citizens; for our forefathers fought, bled and died to secure for us and to us these things, in common with other citizen soldiers, in the << Revolutionary War>> .
That, because we are at present denied some of these rights in this State, we should not abandon the hope of attaining justice for ourselves and our posterity, when already the leaven of justice is beginning to show its perfect work in some of the Eastern States; and in some of the Western, though not yet arrived to a state of maturity, is so far improved as to assure us that patience and perseverance are only needed on our part; and if we should at such a time flee our country, forsake the graves of our fathers, desert the places of our birth and the scenes of our childhood, we should show ourselves unworthy the enjoyment of those things now withheld from us.
That the Prince of Slavery and Slave-holding never sprung upon the American People a more sure and destructive scheme for the annihilation of the Free Colored People of this land, than the scheme of colonization in Africa. It never designed to do anything for our benefit but to destroy. Let it speak for itself. "The moral, intellectual, and political improvement of people of color within the United States are objects foreign to the powers of this society." - Address of Am. Col. Soc. to its Auxilaries, Af. Rep. vii. 291.
That since the Colonization Society has sent forth to the world this broad declaration, we feel insulted when asked to emigrate to Liberia; and when a colored man becomes the tool of such society, or on his own responsibility advocates Colonization, we look upon him as recreant to the best good of his race.
That, while we will labor to elevate our race and secure to them the enjoyment of equal civil and political privileges with the whites, we feel bound to labor to prevent our people from colonizing in Liberia; for every one that leaves this country for that American Golgotha, weakens our hands and throws obstacles in our way that are hard to be overcome.

For the Colored American.
PENNSYLVANIA CONVENTION.

MR. EDITOR - Our State Convention has just adjourned sine die, after a most laborious session of three days. About one hundred and fifty delegates were present; and never in all my life did I witness so excellent a spirit among so many men, where so much deeply interesting business was transacted. Life, energy, harmony and despatch characterized our proceedings from the commencement to the close. Indeed, our closing scene was the most solemn and interesting part of our proceedings.

We passed several important resolutions, among which was one in reference to establishing a newspaper in this State, adapted to our wants; one appointing a State Committee, with power to employ an agent to travel through the State, deliver lectures to our people, and carry out the intentions of the Convention in regard to their improvement; one making the COLORED AMERICAN our organ until we can get our own paper in operation; besides several others in regard to petitioning for an amendment of our State Constitution, Temperance, Education, Mechanics, Agriculture, &c.

The debates on some of the resolutions were eloquent and appropriate in a high degree, and entirely free from any thing harsh or disagreeable. Most of the resolutions were passed with great unanimity and good feeling.

Our closing scene was solemn and impressive beyond description. When all the business was through, and a motion to adjourn sine die was made, before putting the question, an old man, whose head had been whitened with the frosts of eighty winters, arose and begged leave briefly to address the Convention. He stated that he had lived before the << Revolutionary War>> , and had witnessed many of the scenes of that eventful period; that he had seen the efforts of the patriots crowned with success, and the independence of the country acknowledged and sustained; that he had afterwards looked, but looked partly in vain, for the liberation of the sons of Ethiopia. He was happy that he had lived to see slavery abolished in his own State, but had often mourned that we had so few men among us capable of doing business in a statesman-like manner, and qualified to lead the people by the best way to the best end. But now, he was happy to say that his long and ardent wishes were gratified, and his highest expectations more than realized in the doings of this Convention. More than a hundred and fifty of the sons of Ethiopia had been together for three days; had transacted much important business, in a manner that would have done credit to any deliberative body; and all had been done without a single jar! It appeared to him as though Ethiopia would soon stretch out her hands unto God, as predicted by the prophet. He felt ready to adopt the language of Simeon, and say: "Now, Lord, let thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation." He then, in the most solemn manner, pronounced his blessing upon the Convention.

The President then arose, affected, like many of the audience, even to tears, and briefly recounted the occurrences of the Convention, and its most happy termination. He then put the question, and the Convention adjourned sine die. The audience then arose, and sung that beautiful and impressive hymn, beginning with "Before Jehovah's awful throne," to Old Hundred, with a matchless fervor and pathos. The treble and alto from the ladies who crowded the gallery, mingled with the deep bass and lighter tenor from the men below; and all in mighty and melodious chorus rose far above the clouds, carrying with it the soul of the enraptured listener to the regions of eternal light and truth. After an appropriate prayer, the audience retired, with happy hearts and smiling faces, to their respective homes.

We resolved to have our proceedings printed in pamphlet form, and took up a collection of thirty dollars for defraying the expenses. We will soon have them out, when we shall send you a copy.

Yours, in much haste,
LEWIS WOODSON.
Pittsburg, Aug. 25, 1841.

From the Christian World.
EPITAPH,
FROM THE OLD BURIAL GROUND OF CONCORD, MASSACHUSETTS.

This celebrated epitaph, which although often published before, will bear to be published again, is understood to have been written by Daniel Bliss, Esq. a lawyer at Concord, before the << Revolutionary War>> . He was the son of a minister of that place, whose name and history occupy a large space in the ecclesiastical annals of the town. This single production will secure to its author forever the credit of taste, ingenuity and an enlightened moral sense; and proves that sound abolition sentiments were cherished then, as strongly as at the present day.

GOD
Wills us free.

MAN

Wills us slaves.
I will as God wills.
God's will be done!

Here lies the body of JOHN JACK, a native of Africa
who died, March, 1773, aged about 60 years.
Though born in a land of slaves.
He was born free.
Though he lived in a land of liberty,
He lived a slave;
Till by his honest, though stolen labors,
He acquired the source of Slavery,
Which gave him his freedom.
Though not long after,
Death - the grand tyrant -
Gave him his final emancipation,
And set him on a footing with kings.
Though a slave to vice,
He practised those virtues
Without which, kings are but slaves.

WILLIAM STIVES - A REVOLUTIONARY PATRIOT.

Died, near Hopewell, N.J., on the 24th ult., WILLIAM STIVES, aged 82, a respectable member of the Baptist Church for the past 40 years. The deceased, although one of that 'case of race' descended from Africa, was a true Whig patriot 'in those days that tried men's souls.' He enlisted in the American Army at the commencement of the << Revolutionary War>> , and continued a faithful and courageous soldier in the cause of his adopted country, during the whole seven years struggle, for which he received a pension during life. He was in several battles against the British, in which he showed distinguished bravery. He was also with General Sullivan in his expedition against the Indians. His deportment, in private life was well worthy of imitation, both as a man and a Christian. - Princeton Whig.

The above, from the Princeton Whig, suggests to our mind the cruelty of American policy and the guilt of American Christians and statesmen.

If ever there were a country, under heaven, where equal laws and equal privileges should be maintained, and man respected and treated according to his merits, it is this. But alas! how contrary the facts. Had Mr. Stives lived in the little petty village of Belleville with his sons, whom we know, and who are an honor to the State, notwithstanding his virtue, religion, and patriotism, they would have been denied the privileges of a common school, and that too by professing gray-headed Christians; minister and officers in the church of Jesus Christ. Such is the abominable, unrighteous, mean, little-minded prejudice, often against their superiors, which governs some portions of the American people.

The above patriot and christian, with his sons in the Republican State of New Jersey, were oppressed and proscribed out of all their civil rights and privileges, and made politically mere beasts of burden, after HE had purchased the country with his sacrifices, toil, and blood. - More than this - if the people in "Hopewell" have not bigger souls, and more grace than the people of Belleville, he and they were denied the common privileges of church and school.

Alas! my guilty country, an insulted God, in vengeance rest, will yet reveal himself to thee.

N.B. Will the "Princeton Whig" please to copy this article.

HUMAN BONES FOUND. - About noon on Tuesday, while some workmen were removing the earth in the rear of No. 206 Clinton street, corner of Monroe, they found a large quantity of bones, (among which were six human skulls,) amounting in all to near a barrel. They were taken away by the city authorities. It is conjectured that the bodies were interred there during the << Revolutionary War>> . One of the skulls is evidently that of a negro. - Journal of Com.

We have been pained at the intelligence, we receive from Philadelphia - at the acts of violence and blood which have been committed. - If such doings must needs come - If outrage, arson, and desperate violence, must take place - if blood must flow - Let white Philadelphians have the honor of it - let our people keep clean their hands. It is better to suffer wrong, than do wrong.

-----

Samuel Wilkinson, publishes a plan for fostering and calling into action the energies and enterprize of Colored men. It is this. That Colonizationists shall buy one or more ships - and sell them to Colored men; the latter to pay for them, not in cash - but on easier terms - by transporting their brethren, at a reasonable price per head, to Africa. On this plan, we have two remarks to make. 1. That its execution is not wanted, (as Mr. W. would pretend that it is) to prove that Colored men have capacity and adaptation for enterprizes on the seas. The annals of the << Revolutionary War>> and the late War - on the ocean and the lakes - abundantly prove this. And 2. It seems to show that when all other plans and arguments to interest Colored men to favor Colonization, have failed. They are now, in an indirect way, to be bribed to do it.

THE COST OF WAR.

The incidental losses of war are from three to five times as great as its direct expenses; and yet its ships, and fortifications, and arms, and ammunition, and other engines of death and devastation, cost an incredible amount of money.

The expenses of a single war ship in actual service are more than one thousand dollars a day; and there are in Christendom between two and three thousand such ships. - England lavished upon Lord Wellington, for only six years' services, nearly $5,000,000. - In twenty years from 1797, she expended an average of $1,143,444 every day - more than a million of dollars a day for war alone; and in one hundred and twenty-seven years, her war-debt grew from less than five millions to more than FOUR THOUSAND millions of dollars. She spent in our << revolutionary war>> about $600,000,000; and the wars of Christendom, during only twenty-two years from 1703, cost barely for their support, beside many times more in incidental losses, nearly FIFTEEN THOUSAND MILLIONS OF DOLLARS! Six or eight times as much as all the coin in the world!!

Just think how much good might be done with such a sum. To keep every family on earth supplied with a Bible at one dollar a-piece, would not take $10,000,000 a year the expenses of a common education for all the children on the globe, would not exceed $250,000,000 a year, nor those for the higher branches, $150,000,000; ministers of the gospel, with an average salary of $500 each, could be furnished one to every thousand souls for $400,000,000, in all $810,000,000; while the bare interest at six per cent. on the war-expenses of Christendom for only twenty two years, would bring an annual income of $900,000,000; ninety millions more than would be requisite to support the institutions of learning and the Christian religion for the whole world!

Did you ever inquire how much we have spent for war? In eighteen years from 1816, a period of peace, we paid for war purposes nearly $400,000,000, and less than one-sixth of that sum for the peaceful operation of government. In forty-one years from 1791, our entire expenses amounted to more than $842,000,000 of which only a little more than 37,000,000, one twenty-third part of the whole, were for civil offices. The war-system costs us, in one way and another, not less than $50,000,000 a year even in peace; an average of more than $137,000 every day! All the expenses and losses of war to our nation since the beginning of our revolutionary struggle must be more than two thousand millions of dollars! - the very interest upon which, amounting at six per cent. To $120,000,000 a year, would more than defray all our necessary expenses of education, religion, and government without the war system!

Who pay all this? Who endure all the other evils of war? Who can, if they will, put an end to this fell destroyer? The People. And will they not do it? Let them all resolve to have it cease and it will cease. Advocate of Peace.

THE RIGHT OF COLORED PEOPLE TO
RIDE IN THE CARS.

We give place this week to the insertion of the great and humane speech of the Hon. Morrow L. Lowry, delivered in the Senate of Pennsylvania, on the [ ] of January, 1865. We do this, in order that the colored people of this country may, in future, know who are their real friends - that they may know in which direction to use their influence in the good time coming.
The efforts of Mr. Lowry will be upon record, and will never be forgotten by the people of color in this country, nor by their friends. It is an effort, which must eventually succeed - if not in the present Legislature, it will in the next. We advise the legislature to take the advice of Mr. Lowry.
The question of allowing the colored people of Philadelphia to ride in the city passenger railway cars, is one that has been considerably agitated of late. The subject is one, which, in our opinion, admits of no debate. On one side, we have Equal Rights - the proudest boast of American citizens - to plead our cause; while, on the other side, we have arrayed against us, in all its hideousness, that arch-fiend and monster, Prejudice. But right is right, and will be victorious.
If a colored man has wealth of any description, is he not taxed? Is not the black man required, by law, to pay as heavy a ratio of taxes on his wealth as the white man? Most assuredly. What is the object contemplated by taxation? Is it for the purpose of compelling all to contribute of their means, that some may be benefited thereby? No. It is for the purpose of securing a form of government, that the weak may be protected against the encroachments of the strong - that the few may not be trampled upon and oppressed by the strong. This is what caused the colonies to secede from the mother country. This is what raised such an opposition against the tyrant, King George, headed by the illustrious Washington and his noble compatriots, and who, for seven long years, battled, almost hopelessly, against the oppressor and tyrant. But, at last, the lion of proud England was forced to succumb to the American eagle.
The << Revolutionary War>> was fought in vindication of the Declaration of Independence, whose main bulwark is, that "all men are created free and equal." This is as plain as it can be rendered. The Government of the United States is founded on the assumption, that "all men are created free and equal." The language cannot be misinterpreted.
Then, why should the colored people be subjected to inconveniences in this land, where "all men are created free and equal?" Argument has no resources to rebut our assertions.
Our prayer is, that Mr. Lowry may live to see the day when his efforts shall be crowned with success.

For the Christian Recorder.

THE NECESSITY OF WILBERFORCE UNIVERSITY FOR
OUR YOUTH - THE DEMANDS FOR SUCH
AN INSTITUTION.

MR. EDITOR: - I notice another appeal in the Recorder and Anglo-African, emanating from Bishop D.A. Payne, earnestly soliciting the lovers of our Zion, and those interested in the development of our manhood to assist in raising the required sum to pay off the last five thousand dollars on that institution, and thus free it from all indebtedness and place it on a firm basis as an institution dedicated to the general diffusion of knowledge among us. If there ever was a time when we should be interested in establishing an institution of learning for our children, it is now. When Divine Providence is so clearly pointing out the course which we must pursue, in order to assume our legitimate responsibilities among the families of mankind. There are several very impressive reasons why this call should be responded to at this time. First: there does not exist in this broad land, one institution controlled by colored people, and yet we number over five millions in this country, two millions ore than the whole population of the united colonies when the << Revolutionary war>> was carried on for freedom and independence. - I do not remember that history records such a fact, of any race of men in the 11th or 19th centuries. Every nationality on this continent have an institution for the instruction of their people, controlled and managed by themselves. Why should we not have one for our youth, where they may be instructed?
Second, We should have enough national pride about us to become self-sustaining in matters of education. We have been too easily satisfied with the scanty education which our white friends have, in charity, bestowed upon us. We have felt, that if one or two of our race need a liberal education through the backdoor of some college, and have been "dubbed" Doctor or Professor, and turned out to wait on some literary society of whites, we were exalted thereby. No, it is not enough. We must have an institution where we can have a faculty of distinguished colored gentlemen, teaching all the sciences, and elaborating systems, and theories of scientific investigation, producing something new, improving by research on old systems. We need a class of refined men and women, who will change the moral status of our people, we need educated daughters, that we may have educated wives and mothers, that our children may be taught, by the fireside, the great duties of life. - Then we need this college, because there are thousands of our people who will now need it, who never could get it before. Then we will need it because there is so much prejudice in other institutions, that it is crucifixion to our children to send them to them, in consequence of the Negrophobia, which is rampant in nearly every institution of learning in this land. We need this because we are not admitted into all the departments in others. We wish to make Wilberforce one of the first institutions, where every branch will be taught, which is taught in universities. For this reason we plead with our membership. We plead with our sister churches of every denomination to recognize this as the colored people's Institution, not as Methodists exclusively, but an institution of learning, of every branch of useful knowledge. Let no colored lady or gentleman feel that they are not interested in this enterprise. Give us your means freely, and know that in doing so, you help regenerate and redeem your race from the long night of ignorance which has brooded over us. Prof. John G. Mitchell is in this section, collecting means to meet this last payment. It is hoped that our brethren in the East will not be slow in extending their aid in this good work. Ladies, I beseech you by the love you bear your loved ones, your offspring, to take hold of this noble enterprise, and leave to your children a legacy more noble than the golden fleece, or Roman eagle, and more lasting than the granite hills. Give your influence, as well as your means, to the consummation of this great object. Sow beside all waters: we cannot tell whether this or that shall bring forth.
I trust we shall be able to meet this coming payment by the fourth of next March, and then Bishop Payne may go to Europe, and get endowments and astronomical instruments and all the apparatus which is necessary to carry on the work of reformation and regeneration among our people.
Yours, for the spread of Christ's kingdom.
R.H. CAIN.
Brooklyn, Nov. 4th, 1864.

For the Christian Recorder.

FLORIDA CORRESPONDENCE.

Jacksonville, Florida,
Sept. 18, 1864.

MR. EDITOR: - My time being leisurely spent in the earlier part of the day, I thought that I would indite a few lines for your valuable paper, so that the people of the North may know that the Third United States Colored Troops are still striving to crush and annihilate this unholy rebellion.
Our regiment was agreeably informed, on the 8th inst., of the proximity of a body of rebel cavalry, by their firing on our pickets during the night, which our boys took very coolly. The next morning, while going to breakfast, a volley of musketry was again directed from the pines towards our picket-line.
The Third quickly responded to their early compliment. Several shots were exchanged between us. Our loss was small. After about fifteen minutes' firing, the Johnny Rebs discovered that they were contending against the so-called "Bloody Third," and, thinking discretion the better part of valor, retreated to the pine woods.
All honor to the colored soldiers! Is not the country as dear to the heart of the colored man now as it was at the famous Battle of Bunker's Hill of the Revolution, nearly ninety years ago? Port Hudson, Fort Wagner, the sands of Florida, and the blood-stained soil of Virginia bear testimony of a black man's assistance and courage.
During the ninety years that have elapsed since the << Revolutionary War>> , a system of wrong and cruelty has manifested itself, the purpose of which has been to degrade and crush the colored race; but (thanks be to Almighty God, who has interposed in their behalf!) the time will soon come when their wrongs shall be redressed. The bonds of slavery are shivering to pieces before the conquering arm of Almighty power, and the prejudice against color and race is disappearing before liberty and justice, as the mist flees from before the morning sun. The black man has proved himself a patriot, a hero, and a man of courage. He is preparing, by education, to be a true and worthy citizen of the United States.
Yours, respectfully,
R.M. SMITH,
Drummer, Co. A, 3d U.S.C.T.

DEATH OF A VENERABLE COLORED MAN.- Toney Proctor, a free colored man, died at Tallahassee Fla., on the 16th ult., aged 112 years. It is said he was the battle of Quebec, as the servant of an English officer, 1759, which is 96 years ago. He recollected this fact distinctly. He was, at the beginning of the << revolutionary war>> , in the vicinity of Boston, at the time the tea was thrown overboard, and afterward at the battle of Lexington. He came to Florida long before the change of flags, and settled in St. Augustine, where he purchased his freedom, married, and reared a large family. During the Florida war, he acted as Indian interpreter for General Harney.

LEGAL RIGHTS VINDICATED.

Our readers will rejoice with us in the righteous verdict given in the following case. Miss Elizabeth Jennings, whose courageous conduct in the premises, is beyond all praise, comes of a good old New York stock. Her grandfather, Jacob Cartwright, a native African, was a soldier in the << Revolutionary War>> , and took active part in city politics until the time of his death in 1824; her father, Mr. Thomas L. Jennings, as mentioned in our paper of the 16th inst., as having delivered an oration on the Emancipation of the slaves in this State in 1827; and he was a founder of the New York African Society for Mutual Relief, and of other institutions for the benefit and elevation of the << colored>> people. In this suit he has broke new ground which he proposes to follow up by the formation of a “Legal Rights League.”

We hold our New York city gentlemen responsible for the carrying out of this decision into practice, by putting an end to their exclusion from cars and omnibuses; they must be craven indeed if they fail to follow the lead of a woman; we hope to present our readers wit a full report of the charge of Judge Rockwell; it was equal to the occasion.

“A WHOLESOME VERDICT. The case of Elizabeth Jennings vs. the Third Ave. Railroad Company, was tried yesterday in the Brooklyn Circuit, before Judge Rockwell. The plaintiff is a << colored>> lady, a teacher in one of the public schools, and the organist in one of the churches in this city. She got upon one of the Company's cars last summer, ion the Sabbath, to ride to church. The conductor finally undertook to get her off, first alleging the car was full, and when that was shown to be false, he pretended the other passengers were displeased at he presence; but as she saw nothing of that, and insisted on her rights, he took hold of her by force to expel her. She resisted, they got her down to the platform, jammed her bonnet, soiled her dress, and injured her person. Quite a crowd gathered around, but she effectually resisted, and they were not able to get her off. Finally, after the car had gone on further, they got the aid of a policeman, and succeeded in getting her form the car. She instructed her attorneys, Messrs. Culver, Parker and Arthur, to prosecute the Company, together with the driver and conductor. The two latter interposed no defense, the Company took issue, and the cause was yesterday brought to trial. Judge Rockwell gave a very clear and able charge, instructing the Jury that the Company were liable for the acts of their agents, whether committed carelessly and negligently, or willfully and maliciously. That they were common carriers, and as such bound to carry all respectable persons; that << colored>> persons, if sober, well behaved, and free from disease, had the same rights as others; and could neither be excluded by any rules of the Company, nor by force or violence; and in case of such expulsion or exclusion, the Company was liable.
“The plaintiff claimed $500 in her complaint, and a majority of the Jury wee for giving her the full amount; but others maintained some peculiar notions as to << colored>> people's rights, and they finally agreed on $225, on which the Court added ten percent besides the costs.”
“Railroads, steamboats, omnibuses, and ferry-boats will be admonished from this, as to the rights of respectable << colored>> people. It is high time the rights of this class of citizens were ascertained, and that it should be known whether they are to be thrust from our public conveyances, while German or Irish women, with a quarter of mutton or a load of codfish, can be admitted.” N.Y. Tribune.

NO COLONIZATION. - We copy from the Bugle the following account of proceedings at a meeting of the << colored>> people of Fort Wayne, Ind. The meeting was called to take into consideration the merits of an appeal made to the << colored>> people of that state, by Wm. W. Findlay, urging them, if they would enjoy social, civil and political privileges, to colonize in Liberia. Here is the answer to that appeal:
Resolved, That the enjoyment of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness belongs to us as an inalienable right from our Creator, in common with all mankind.
Though denied in some things the full enjoyment of liberty and the pursuit of happiness at present, which are awarded to the whites, yet we are determined to use all lawful means, and to continue in so doing, until we shall be allowed the full privileges of American citizens; for our forefathers fought, bled and died to secure for us and to us these things, in common with other citizen soldiers, in the << Revolutionary War>> .
That, because we are at present denied some of these rights in this State, we should not abandon the hope of attaining justice for ourselves and our posterity, when already the leaven of justice is beginning to show its perfect work in some of the Eastern States; and in some of the Western, though not yet arrived to a state of maturity, is so far improved as to assure us that patience and perseverance are only needed on our part; and if we should at such a time flee our country, forsake the graves of our fathers, desert the places of our birth and the scenes of our childhood, we should show ourselves unworthy the enjoyment of those things now withheld from us.
That the Prince of Slavery and Slave-holding never sprung upon the American People a more sure and destructive scheme for the annihilation of the Free << Colored>> People of this land, than the scheme of colonization in Africa. It never designed to do anything for our benefit but to destroy. Let it speak for itself. "The moral, intellectual, and political improvement of people of color within the United States are objects foreign to the powers of this society." - Address of Am. Col. Soc. to its Auxilaries, Af. Rep. vii. 291.
That since the Colonization Society has sent forth to the world this broad declaration, we feel insulted when asked to emigrate to Liberia; and when a << colored>> man becomes the tool of such society, or on his own responsibility advocates Colonization, we look upon him as recreant to the best good of his race.
That, while we will labor to elevate our race and secure to them the enjoyment of equal civil and political privileges with the whites, we feel bound to labor to prevent our people from colonizing in Liberia; for every one that leaves this country for that American Golgotha, weakens our hands and throws obstacles in our way that are hard to be overcome.

For the << Colored>> American.
PENNSYLVANIA CONVENTION.

MR. EDITOR - Our State Convention has just adjourned sine die, after a most laborious session of three days. About one hundred and fifty delegates were present; and never in all my life did I witness so excellent a spirit among so many men, where so much deeply interesting business was transacted. Life, energy, harmony and despatch characterized our proceedings from the commencement to the close. Indeed, our closing scene was the most solemn and interesting part of our proceedings.

We passed several important resolutions, among which was one in reference to establishing a newspaper in this State, adapted to our wants; one appointing a State Committee, with power to employ an agent to travel through the State, deliver lectures to our people, and carry out the intentions of the Convention in regard to their improvement; one making the << COLORED>> AMERICAN our organ until we can get our own paper in operation; besides several others in regard to petitioning for an amendment of our State Constitution, Temperance, Education, Mechanics, Agriculture, &c.

The debates on some of the resolutions were eloquent and appropriate in a high degree, and entirely free from any thing harsh or disagreeable. Most of the resolutions were passed with great unanimity and good feeling.

Our closing scene was solemn and impressive beyond description. When all the business was through, and a motion to adjourn sine die was made, before putting the question, an old man, whose head had been whitened with the frosts of eighty winters, arose and begged leave briefly to address the Convention. He stated that he had lived before the << Revolutionary War>> , and had witnessed many of the scenes of that eventful period; that he had seen the efforts of the patriots crowned with success, and the independence of the country acknowledged and sustained; that he had afterwards looked, but looked partly in vain, for the liberation of the sons of Ethiopia. He was happy that he had lived to see slavery abolished in his own State, but had often mourned that we had so few men among us capable of doing business in a statesman-like manner, and qualified to lead the people by the best way to the best end. But now, he was happy to say that his long and ardent wishes were gratified, and his highest expectations more than realized in the doings of this Convention. More than a hundred and fifty of the sons of Ethiopia had been together for three days; had transacted much important business, in a manner that would have done credit to any deliberative body; and all had been done without a single jar! It appeared to him as though Ethiopia would soon stretch out her hands unto God, as predicted by the prophet. He felt ready to adopt the language of Simeon, and say: "Now, Lord, let thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation." He then, in the most solemn manner, pronounced his blessing upon the Convention.

The President then arose, affected, like many of the audience, even to tears, and briefly recounted the occurrences of the Convention, and its most happy termination. He then put the question, and the Convention adjourned sine die. The audience then arose, and sung that beautiful and impressive hymn, beginning with "Before Jehovah's awful throne," to Old Hundred, with a matchless fervor and pathos. The treble and alto from the ladies who crowded the gallery, mingled with the deep bass and lighter tenor from the men below; and all in mighty and melodious chorus rose far above the clouds, carrying with it the soul of the enraptured listener to the regions of eternal light and truth. After an appropriate prayer, the audience retired, with happy hearts and smiling faces, to their respective homes.

We resolved to have our proceedings printed in pamphlet form, and took up a collection of thirty dollars for defraying the expenses. We will soon have them out, when we shall send you a copy.

Yours, in much haste,
LEWIS WOODSON.
Pittsburg, Aug. 25, 1841.

We have been pained at the intelligence, we receive from Philadelphia - at the acts of violence and blood which have been committed. - If such doings must needs come - If outrage, arson, and desperate violence, must take place - if blood must flow - Let white Philadelphians have the honor of it - let our people keep clean their hands. It is better to suffer wrong, than do wrong.

-----

Samuel Wilkinson, publishes a plan for fostering and calling into action the energies and enterprize of << Colored>> men. It is this. That Colonizationists shall buy one or more ships - and sell them to << Colored>> men; the latter to pay for them, not in cash - but on easier terms - by transporting their brethren, at a reasonable price per head, to Africa. On this plan, we have two remarks to make. 1. That its execution is not wanted, (as Mr. W. would pretend that it is) to prove that << Colored>> men have capacity and adaptation for enterprizes on the seas. The annals of the << Revolutionary War>> and the late War - on the ocean and the lakes - abundantly prove this. And 2. It seems to show that when all other plans and arguments to interest << Colored>> men to favor Colonization, have failed. They are now, in an indirect way, to be bribed to do it.

For the Christian Recorder.

THE NECESSITY OF WILBERFORCE UNIVERSITY FOR
OUR YOUTH - THE DEMANDS FOR SUCH
AN INSTITUTION.

MR. EDITOR: - I notice another appeal in the Recorder and Anglo-African, emanating from Bishop D.A. Payne, earnestly soliciting the lovers of our Zion, and those interested in the development of our manhood to assist in raising the required sum to pay off the last five thousand dollars on that institution, and thus free it from all indebtedness and place it on a firm basis as an institution dedicated to the general diffusion of knowledge among us. If there ever was a time when we should be interested in establishing an institution of learning for our children, it is now. When Divine Providence is so clearly pointing out the course which we must pursue, in order to assume our legitimate responsibilities among the families of mankind. There are several very impressive reasons why this call should be responded to at this time. First: there does not exist in this broad land, one institution controlled by << colored>> people, and yet we number over five millions in this country, two millions ore than the whole population of the united colonies when the << Revolutionary war>> was carried on for freedom and independence. - I do not remember that history records such a fact, of any race of men in the 11th or 19th centuries. Every nationality on this continent have an institution for the instruction of their people, controlled and managed by themselves. Why should we not have one for our youth, where they may be instructed?
Second, We should have enough national pride about us to become self-sustaining in matters of education. We have been too easily satisfied with the scanty education which our white friends have, in charity, bestowed upon us. We have felt, that if one or two of our race need a liberal education through the backdoor of some college, and have been "dubbed" Doctor or Professor, and turned out to wait on some literary society of whites, we were exalted thereby. No, it is not enough. We must have an institution where we can have a faculty of distinguished << colored>> gentlemen, teaching all the sciences, and elaborating systems, and theories of scientific investigation, producing something new, improving by research on old systems. We need a class of refined men and women, who will change the moral status of our people, we need educated daughters, that we may have educated wives and mothers, that our children may be taught, by the fireside, the great duties of life. - Then we need this college, because there are thousands of our people who will now need it, who never could get it before. Then we will need it because there is so much prejudice in other institutions, that it is crucifixion to our children to send them to them, in consequence of the Negrophobia, which is rampant in nearly every institution of learning in this land. We need this because we are not admitted into all the departments in others. We wish to make Wilberforce one of the first institutions, where every branch will be taught, which is taught in universities. For this reason we plead with our membership. We plead with our sister churches of every denomination to recognize this as the << colored>> people's Institution, not as Methodists exclusively, but an institution of learning, of every branch of useful knowledge. Let no << colored>> lady or gentleman feel that they are not interested in this enterprise. Give us your means freely, and know that in doing so, you help regenerate and redeem your race from the long night of ignorance which has brooded over us. Prof. John G. Mitchell is in this section, collecting means to meet this last payment. It is hoped that our brethren in the East will not be slow in extending their aid in this good work. Ladies, I beseech you by the love you bear your loved ones, your offspring, to take hold of this noble enterprise, and leave to your children a legacy more noble than the golden fleece, or Roman eagle, and more lasting than the granite hills. Give your influence, as well as your means, to the consummation of this great object. Sow beside all waters: we cannot tell whether this or that shall bring forth.
I trust we shall be able to meet this coming payment by the fourth of next March, and then Bishop Payne may go to Europe, and get endowments and astronomical instruments and all the apparatus which is necessary to carry on the work of reformation and regeneration among our people.
Yours, for the spread of Christ's kingdom.
R.H. CAIN.
Brooklyn, Nov. 4th, 1864.

For the Christian Recorder.

FLORIDA CORRESPONDENCE.

Jacksonville, Florida,
Sept. 18, 1864.

MR. EDITOR: - My time being leisurely spent in the earlier part of the day, I thought that I would indite a few lines for your valuable paper, so that the people of the North may know that the Third United States << Colored>> Troops are still striving to crush and annihilate this unholy rebellion.
Our regiment was agreeably informed, on the 8th inst., of the proximity of a body of rebel cavalry, by their firing on our pickets during the night, which our boys took very coolly. The next morning, while going to breakfast, a volley of musketry was again directed from the pines towards our picket-line.
The Third quickly responded to their early compliment. Several shots were exchanged between us. Our loss was small. After about fifteen minutes' firing, the Johnny Rebs discovered that they were contending against the so-called "Bloody Third," and, thinking discretion the better part of valor, retreated to the pine woods.
All honor to the << colored>> soldiers! Is not the country as dear to the heart of the << colored>> man now as it was at the famous Battle of Bunker's Hill of the Revolution, nearly ninety years ago? Port Hudson, Fort Wagner, the sands of Florida, and the blood-stained soil of Virginia bear testimony of a black man's assistance and courage.
During the ninety years that have elapsed since the << Revolutionary War>> , a system of wrong and cruelty has manifested itself, the purpose of which has been to degrade and crush the << colored>> race; but (thanks be to Almighty God, who has interposed in their behalf!) the time will soon come when their wrongs shall be redressed. The bonds of slavery are shivering to pieces before the conquering arm of Almighty power, and the prejudice against color and race is disappearing before liberty and justice, as the mist flees from before the morning sun. The black man has proved himself a patriot, a hero, and a man of courage. He is preparing, by education, to be a true and worthy citizen of the United States.
Yours, respectfully,
R.M. SMITH,
Drummer, Co. A, 3d U.S.C.T.

DEATH OF A VENERABLE << COLORED>> MAN.- Toney Proctor, a free << colored>> man, died at Tallahassee Fla., on the 16th ult., aged 112 years. It is said he was the battle of Quebec, as the servant of an English officer, 1759, which is 96 years ago. He recollected this fact distinctly. He was, at the beginning of the << revolutionary war>> , in the vicinity of Boston, at the time the tea was thrown overboard, and afterward at the battle of Lexington. He came to Florida long before the change of flags, and settled in St. Augustine, where he purchased his freedom, married, and reared a large family. During the Florida war, he acted as Indian interpreter for General Harney.

WILLIAM STIVES - A REVOLUTIONARY PATRIOT.

Died, near Hopewell, N.J., on the 24th ult., WILLIAM STIVES, aged 82, a respectable member of the Baptist Church for the past 40 years. The deceased, although one of that 'case of race' descended from Africa, was a true Whig patriot 'in those days that tried men's souls.' He enlisted in the American Army at the commencement of the << Revolutionary War>> , and continued a faithful and courageous soldier in the cause of his adopted country, during the whole seven years struggle, for which he received a pension during life. He was in several battles against the British, in which he showed distinguished bravery. He was also with General Sullivan in his expedition against the Indians. His deportment, in private life was well worthy of imitation, both as a man and a Christian. - Princeton Whig.

The above, from the Princeton Whig, suggests to our mind the cruelty of American policy and the guilt of American Christians and statesmen.

If ever there were a country, under heaven, where equal laws and equal privileges should be maintained, and man respected and treated according to his merits, it is this. But alas! how contrary the facts. Had Mr. Stives lived in the little petty village of Belleville with his sons, whom we know, and who are an honor to the State, notwithstanding his virtue, religion, and patriotism, they would have been denied the privileges of a common school, and that too by professing gray-headed Christians; minister and officers in the church of Jesus Christ. Such is the abominable, unrighteous, mean, little-minded prejudice, often against their superiors, which governs some portions of the American people.

The above patriot and christian, with his sons in the Republican State of New Jersey, were oppressed and proscribed out of all their civil rights and privileges, and made politically mere beasts of burden, after HE had purchased the country with his sacrifices, toil, and blood. - More than this - if the people in "Hopewell" have not bigger souls, and more grace than the people of Belleville, he and they were denied the common privileges of church and school.

Alas! my guilty country, an insulted God, in vengeance rest, will yet reveal himself to thee.

N.B. Will the "Princeton Whig" please to copy this article.

LIEUTENANT Howard L. Smith, of Boston, Mass., the << colored>> journalist, is now writing the concluding pages of his history, “The Negro in Conflict; His Record as a Soldier.” This work is very comprehensive in all its parts and treats at length of individual and collective deeds of bravery performed by << colored>> troops in the << Revolutionary war>> , war of 1812, the late civil war, and the Haitian and African Rebellions. There is a also a very valuable appendix containing all the military statistics of the world. The work will be put in type within the next two months.

HONOR DONE TO A << COLORED>> HERO.
-----

MR. EDITOR:- Dear Sir- The Boston Daily Journal of this morning furnishes the following item of news, which shows that the << colored>> men who fought in the American Revolution are beginning to be remembered by the whites of the country. “The world does move.” WM. WELLS BROWN.

MEMORIAL TO A REVOLUTIONARY HERO.

In accordance with a note of the town of Framingham last April the committee in charge of the matter has placed a neat granite memorial over the grave of Peter Salem, and it bears the following inscription: “Peter Salem, Solider of the Revolution, Died Aug. 16, 1816 Concord Bunker Hill, Saratoga. Erected by the town, 1882,” Peter Salem was the << colored>> man who particularly distinguished himself in the << Revolutionary War>> by shooting down Maj Pitcairin at the battle of Bunker Hill, as he was mounting a redoubt and shouting, “The day is ours.” This being the time when Pitcairm fell back into the arms of his son. Peter Salem served faithfully in the war for seven years in the companies of minute men under the command of Capt. John Nixon and Capt. Simon Edgell of Framingham, and came out if it unharmed. He was a slave, and was owned, originally, by Capt. Jeremiah [] of Framingham, being sold by him to Major Lawson Buckminister of that town, he becoming a tree man when he joined the army.

Philadelphia, August 21st, 1837.
REV. S.E. CORNISH:

My dear Sir, - I avail myself of the first leisure moment to inform you that the SO CALLED "Moral Reform Convention," closed its sitting on Friday afternoon last, as was expected. The professed object of the meeting, as you are aware, was to devise plans for ameliorating the condition of the people of color; and according to usage, after its organization, a committee was sent out to bring in a form of business for its action. This Committee reported; and the first item of their report was in substance to this effect: - "that we recommend to the free people of color the establishment of schools, for the mutual improvement of old and young, in every State, county, city, town , village, &c., wherever it might be practicable and safe, for the acquisition of a good English education, and also to acquire the mechanic arts." From this you will perceive that the Committee surveyed the whole ground, and came to the conclusion that such a recommendation was best adapted to the circumstances of our people at present, - they being destitute, as a people, of these grand essentials, - for a change in their condition. Our duty therefore required of us to recommend this course, as under existing circumstances, it was obvious that none more advantageous could possibly be proposed, for the purpose of attaining that foundation which must necessarily render their advancement, as well as that of the rising generation, in every point of view, under God, sure and certain. We were induced to make this direct reference to the free people of color, inasmuch as our enslaved brethren exist, geographically speaking, beyond our sphere of action, - to say nothing of the severe and oppressive laws which prohibit them from the enjoyment of all moral and religious privileges; and while we cherish the keenest sympathy for them, we consider that it would be useless to direct the reference to them. But blind and furious objections, which finally resulted in its overthrow, were urged against the admission of the designation "free people of color." The reasons urged by the adverse party, was, that the term "<< colored>> ," implied degradation! and they further insisted that their duties should have relation to the white as well as the << colored>> community!! and others alike unwise, absurd and preposterous. It may indeed seem almost incredible, that a specification like the first here noticed, should be brought forward by men of color, against the hue with which it hath pleased Infinite Wisdom to cover them; yet, it is a lamentable fact that such was the only legitimate inference that could be drawn from what, on this point, was said. One of the objectors to the word "color," went so far, in the plenitude of his wisdom, as to ask - "Why should we glory in retaining the badge of our degradation?!!!" This is here mentioned merely to convey an accurate idea of the sense and tenor of the objections brought forward: as any thing so exceedingly simple and ridiculous, is wholly unworthy of further notice. As to our proceedings having relation to the improvement of the white population, who possess and cultivate every advantage which we need, and are seeking to secure to ourselves, it is a piece of ridiculous nonsense that I shall not waste ink with, further than this passing notice.

But the question will be asked, how was it possible, then, that the resolution should have met an overthrow? I answer that after the resolution had underwent discussion, and was passed by a good majority, it was at a future period, and in the absence of some of the more sensible and reflecting men, again called up; and by the practice of deception, and the casting vote of the presiding officer, the former decision was reversed.

This, we believe, is the first instance of any portion of God's creatures quarreling with and refusing to be recognised, when necessary, by the color with which HE has chosen to designate them; and if these are the principles which are to characterize the wise modern reformers, tell those splendid instances of disinterested philanthropy which adorn your great city and State, to furl their banners, and cease to plead the cause of the << colored>> man! - for if it is color, and not condition, that must be changed, our doom, as a people, is inevitably fixed. No reformers, preceding these, have ever refused identity with all the peculiarities of their people, - but either have sought to embrace them; - as Moses preferred to be known among and identified with his people, notwithstanding all their miseries and persecutions, to all the glittering stars and honors of Pharaoh's courts. How fruitless would have been all the exertions and efforts of Chatham, Wilberforce, Pitt, and other advocates for the abolition of the slave trade, and others for West India emancipation, if they had sought a change in color instead of condition? or had claimed their rights on the ground that it could not be proved that the slaves were of the hue that they are, as was absurdly contended by some of our sons of wisdom!

We are fully aware that the degree of respectability that we enjoy, has been wrested from the hands of oppressors, by the presentation of facts exhibiting worth, which was not to be looked for, under our peculiar difficulties. To sustain this fact we have the testimony of General Jackson in 1813 - we have the testimony of members of Congress during the debate on the Missouri question - we have the testimony of New York when revising her present constitution in 1821 - we have the evidence of members of a like convention in Pennsylvania, in 1837, the latter of which tells us that the first blood that was shed in defence of this country in the << Revolutionary war>> , was from the veins of a man of color. What, then, shall be said of an institution, and that too, composed of << colored>> men, that would, if they have not such witnesses of worth within their own bosoms, pass by such powerful auxiliaries of elevation, and contend against being recognized a << colored>> men? For one, I would that I could climb to Pisgah's height, and proclaim it to our assembled people, to our assembled people, to regard it with jealousy, suspicion and distrust, and in no wise to countenance it, except for purposes of annihilation.

Your Friend and Servant.
F.A. HINTON.

THE NATIONAL LEAGUE.

EXECUTIVE BOARD NATIONAL EQUAL RIGHTS' LEAGUE,
PHILADELPHIA, NOV. 24TH, 1864.

To the << Colored>> People of the United States: -
At our late National Convention, held in Syracuse, N.Y., we formed a National Equal Rights' League. The objects to be accomplished through the League are set forth in the first section of the Constitution, in these words: "The objects of this League are to encourage sound morality, education, temperance, frugality, industry, and promote every thing that pertains to a well-ordered and dignified life; to obtain, by appeals to the minds and consciences of the American people, or by legal process when possible, a recognition of the rights of the << colored>> people of the nation as American citizens." These objects, as well as the mode of their attainment, and the advantageous results which must follow, are worthy, most certainly, of your serious attention and consideration. The mode of achieving these objects as recommended by our National Convention, is twofold.
We have the National Equal Rights' League with its officers and Executive Board. The province and work of this branch of our organization is altogether national. Its jurisdiction is commensurate with, and bounded only by the limits of our country. The language of the 5th section of the Constitution, in defining the duties of the Executive Board is: "They (the Executive Board) shall hire an agent or agents who shall visit the different States of the nation accessible to them, and call the people of the States together in Convention or otherwise, and urge them to take the steps necessary to secure the rights and improvements, for the attainment of which this League is formed."
The other branch of our organization is the State Leagues auxiliary to the National League, together with their subordinate organizations. In regard to these the 7th section of the Constitution contains the following words: "Persons in the different States, friendly with the purposes of this league, (the National) may form State Leagues auxiliary to this, with such subordinate organizations as they may deem proper," provided that no distinction on account of color or sex shall be permitted in such auxiliaries or subordinate organizations. Such Leagues may, at their discretion, employ agents, and issue such documents as they may deem conducive to the ends for which this League is formed. They shall collect and pay into the treasury of the National Equal Rights' League such sums as may be assessed upon them, by vote of the majority at the annual meeting, and shall co-operate with that Association in all movements which it shall inaugurate for the accomplishment of the purposes for which it was formed."
Thus it will be seen that the two great branches of our national organizations are the National League and the State Leagues, together with their subordinate organizations auxiliary thereto.
The life and power of the national branch of our organization depends upon the formation of State Leagues, while the State branch depends upon the inclination, the purpose, and the action of the people in the various States.
To you, then, the people of the country, belong the duty and responsibility of carrying forward, on its errand of justice, humanity, and freedom, the great national enterprise, inaugurated at our late National Convention.
Shall the National Equal Rights' League be sustained? Shall we labor, concentrating our influence and our means in this organization, to achieve the objects and purposes which it contemplates? All will agree that we need such an organization among us. All must acknowledge the importance and necessity of doing all in our power, by united and persistent action, to obtain a full recognition of our rights as American citizens. And all must admit that this, more than any other periods in our history, is the time to [ ] upon some well defined, energetic, and [ ] course of action, looking to the attainment of a full recognition by the General and State Governments, of equality for us before American law.
To-day two hundred thousand choice << colored>> men are clothed in the uniform of the America Union; and already, by the brave and gallant use of the musket and the sword on many bloody battle-fields, have they challenged the admiration of mankind as they have fought side by side with their white fellow countrymen, to maintain the integrity of the Union, and the authority of the government.
While the devotion, the gallantry, and the heroism displayed by our sons, brothers, and fathers at Port Hudson, Fort Wagner, Petersburg, and New Market Heights, are fresh in the minds of the American people, let us spare no pains, let us not fail to make every effort in our power to secure for ourselves and our children all those rights, natural and political, which belong to us as men, and as native born citizens of America. This we owe to ourselves - certainly, we owe it to our children. Let not theirs be an inhabitance of degradation. And who will say that we do not owe it to the noble men who represent us in the American army and navy. Shall they return, after weary months and years of laborious service, as soldiers and sailors bearing the scars of hard-earned victories, to tread again the old ways of degradation and wrong? It must not be. It may not be amiss in this connection to remind you that our fathers were not behind other men in the << Revolutionary war>> , and the war of 1812, in exhibitions of patriotism and courage in defence of this country. Indeed, history records the fact that the very first man that fell in our Revolutionary struggle was a << colored>> men, and one of the facts that makes the massacre of the 5th of March, 1779 memorable in our Revolutionary annals is this one. Crispus Attacks, who stands as the representative of a host of << colored>> Americans who give their lives in defence of the country.
It is true that these men and their descendants, if for no other reason, certainly, on account of the gallantry, the courage, and the loyalty displayed by them, deserved not only the grateful acknowledgments of the nation, but a full and practical recognition of their rights.
But we know too well, by our bitter experience of wrong and degradation, how they were treated after those wars. Wisdom then dictates that we should profit by this lesson.
When this, our present war, shall have ended, it will be our duty to see to it that we have indeed a standing place under American law.
Let us therefore proceed at once to call State Conventions and form State Leagues, and with vigor and purpose enter upon the work of accomplishing the objects of our National League. Let our friends and brothers of the Atlantic States vie with those of the far off West in this glorious work. Let New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, and Michigan, lead the way in the prompt and energetic formation of State Leagues, through which we may bring to bear upon the people and legislatures of those States by appeal, and argument, and memorial, our united and earnest protest against a further continuance of legislative proscription founded on color.
JOHN M. LANGSTON, President.
DAVIS D. TURNER,
ST. GEO. R. TAYLOR, Secretaries.

For the Christian Recorder.

<< COLORED>> MEN IN THE REVOLUTION, AND
IN THE WAR OF 1812.

MR. EDITOR: - Allow me, through the columns of your worthy paper, to say something on this subject - the assistance rendered to the American cause by << colored>> men during the Revolution and War of 1812. Very little is known on this subject - and the efforts of our forefathers, which were as faithful and patriotic during the time that "tried men's souls" as those of the whites, deserve a lasting record, and should be held in grateful remembrance. This is a matter that has been very carefully kept out of sight by orators and toast-drinkers. We allude to the participation of the << colored>> men in the great struggle for American freedom. It is not in accordance with our taste or our principles to eulogize the shedders of blood, even in a cause of acknowledged justice; but when we see a whole nation adding honor to the memories of one class of its defenders, to the total neglect of another class, who had the misfortune (?) to be of a darker complexion, we cannot forego the satisfaction of inviting notice to certain historical facts which, for the last half century, have been quietly elbowed aside as no more deserving of a place in patriotic recollection than the descendants of the men to whom the facts in question relate have to a place in a Fourth of July procession. Of the services and sufferings of the << colored>> soldiers of the Revolution, no attempt has to our knowledge been made to preserve a record. They have had no historian. With here and there an exception, they have al passed away, and only some faint tradition of their campaign under Washington, Green, and Lafayette - and of their cruising under Decatur and Barry, lingers among their descendants - yet enough is known to show that the free << colored>> men of the United States bore their full proportion of the sacrifices and trials of the << revolutionary war>> . The << colored>> men formed an entire regiment, and they discharged their duty with zeal and fidelity. The gallant defence of Red Bank, in which the << colored>> regiment bore a part, is among the proofs of their valor. In this contest, it will be recollected that four hundred men met and repulsed, after a terrible and sanguinary struggle, fifteen hundred Hessian troops, headed by Count Donop. The glory of the defence of Red Bank, which has been pronounced one of the most heroic actions of the war, belongs in reality to the << colored>> men; yet who now hears them spoken of in connexion with it? Among the traits which distinguished the << colored>> regiments, was adoration of their officers. In the attack made upon the American lines near Croton River, on the 13th of May, 1781, Colonel Greene, the commander of the regiment, was cut down and mortally wounded - but the sabres of the enemy only reached him through the bodies of his faithful guard of << colored>> men, who hovered over him to protect him, every one of whom was killed. Dr. Harris, of Dunbarton, New Hampshire, a revolutionary veteran, stated, in a speech at Francestown, New Hampshire, some years ago, that, on one occasion, the regiment to which he belonged was commanded to defend an important position, which the enemy thrice assailed, and from which they were as often repulsed. There was, said the speaker, a regiment of blacks in the same situation - a regiment of negroes fighting for our liberty and independence - not a white man among them but the officers, in the same dangerous and responsible position. Had they been unfaithful or given way before the enemy, all would have been lost. Three times in succession were they attacked with most desperate fury by well-disciplined and veteran troops, and three times they successfully repel the assault, and thus preserved an army. They fought thus through the war. They were brave and hardy troops. Governor Eustis states that the free << colored>> soldiers entered the ranks with the whites. The time of those who were slaves was purchased of their masters, and they were induced to enter the service. In consequence of a law of Congress, by which, on condition of their serving in the ranks during the war, they were made freemen. This hope of liberty inspired them with courage to oppose their breasts to Hessian bayonets at Red Bank, and enabled them to endure with fortitude the cold and famine of Valley Forge. The celebrated Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, in his speech on the Missouri question, and in defence of the slave representation of the South, made the following admissions: They, the << colored>> people, were in numerous instances the pioneers; and in all the labors of our armies, to their hands were owing the greatest part of the fortifications raised for the protection of the country. Fort Moultrie gave, at an early period of the inexperience and untried valor of our citizens, immortality to the American arms - and in the Northern States numerous bodies of them were enrolled, and fought side by side with the whites in the battles of the revolution. Martindale, of New York, in Congress, January 22d, 1828, said: Slaves, or negroes who had been slaves, were enlisted as soldiers in the war of the Revolution, and I myself saw a battalion of them - as fine, martial-looking men as ever I saw attached to the Northern army in the last war, on its march from Plattsburg to Sackett's Harbor.
Hon. Charles Miner, of Pennsylvania, in Congress, February 7th, 1828, said: The African race makes excellent soldiers. Large numbers of them were with Perry, and helped to gain the brilliant victory of Lake Erie. A whole battalion of them were distinguished for their orderly appearance.
On Lakes Erie and Champlain, where the fleets triumphed over a foe superior in numbers and engines of death. They were manned in a large proportion by men of color. In 1814 a bill was passed in New York, receiving the approbation of all the branches of the Government, authorizing the Governor to accept the services of a corps of two thousand free << colored>> men. These were times which tried men's souls. In these times it was no sporting matter to bear arms. These were times when a man who shouldered his musket did not know but he bared his bosom to receive a death-wound from the enemy ere he laid it aside; and in these times the << colored>> men were found as ready and as willing to volunteer in the service as any other.
They were not compelled to go; they were not drafted - no; the pride of the whites had placed them beyond their compulsory power - but there was no necessity for its exercise. They were volunteers - yes, sirs, volunteers to defend this country from the inroads and ravages of a ruthless and vindictive foe, which had treated the country with insult and degradation.

A PLEA FOR AFRICA AND HER

PEOPLE.
-----
BY ELIZABETH COTTROLL REDDING.
-----

The subject, which I shall endeavor to present for your thoughtful consideration, is one that ought to be of interest to every person of color throughout the length and breadth of the land. There is no people so ignorant of the truth concerning the land of their origin and their forefathers as the << colored>> Americans. This is wrong and should not be so. The Germans are careful to teach and tell their children about the profound learning, the grand music and the old legendary castles and cathedrals of Kaiser Wilhelm's land. And there are the Irish, who, by the pinch of poverty and the heavy burden of taxation are compelled to leave their native land, but they never forget it, and as long as they live they are telling of the joys and beauties, the grand wakes and the elegant fairs of the Emerald Isle. The Swiss love the grand Alps and sunny lakes of their native Helvetia. Italians sigh for the merry winepress frolics and maccaroni of mis chese Italy. The Chinese gathers the bones of his ancestors and relatives and transports them back to the Celestial Empire, and if life lasts he hastens to follow them as soon as his miserly grasping mind is satisfied with the amount of money that he gets together.
Why, then, do we not take any interest in the land of our origin? It is not because it is poor, for all civilized nations unite in the universal opinion that it is one of the richest of the five continents of the world. We need not be ashamed of it for the all wise Creator has scattered His natural gifts with a bountiful hand, and if civilization, perseverance, capital and industry were used, invested and pushed forward in Africa as they are in other parts of the world, then with its vast sources of agricultural and commercial revenue developed and brought to light, it would equal any and surpass many countries that have greater and better advantages.
Many who have had ample opportunities through study and travel, to bring the continent of Africa before the civilized Christian part of the world in its true light, by telling the real truth, have not done so, but instead they have exaggerated the dangers, unjustly and in many cases, falsely, condemned the inhabitants and climate, nor have they given it credit for but a small portion of the mineral, agricultural and commercial products which are to be found there. Even people who professed to be intelligent and learned, entertained the erroneous idea that the greater part of the continent of Africa is composed of sandy deserts, swamps and impenetrable forests, and that these are filled with dangerous wild beasts, huge poisonous snakes and reptiles and naked savage people, which is unjust and much of it false.
Africa has been torn and racked by civil wars; her shores have been swept on every side by foreign powers who only care was to add fresh domains to their kingdoms and gather the rich ores and beautiful gems which nature has scattered in many places with a lavish hand, or worse than all many sought its shores to steal its inhabitants and convey them across the seas to deliver them into the bitter, cruel hands of slavery. Is it any wonder, then, that her people have fallen from light to darkness, from knowledge to ignorance and from civilization to barbarity?
Egypt, although often spoken of as a different country, is in reality a part of Africa just as much as Canada is a part of North America or France is a part of Europe, and there is not nation on earth that can date their antiquity farther back than the Egyptians, and none can show clearer proof of ancient literary knowledge and architectural knowledge, yet they were Africans. Even the deep and profound learning of the ancient Greeks was borrowed from the Egyptians, all their knowledge of astrology, music, mythology and medicine was gained from the same source, therefore to Africa and her people are we indebted for the knowledge that enables us to assuage the pains and remove the diseases that flesh is heir to. To them are we indebted for opening the way to that beautiful and interesting study, astrology, which helps us to lift our thoughts and mind from earth towards heaven and to search the deep mysteries of the starry skies which are spread above us.
The civilized part of the world at the present day owes much to the continent of Africa, centuries ago within her borders her people wrought out the deep mysteries of many of those arts and sciences which enlightened nations honor as being elevating and instructive.
When Rome, that proud city that once called herself the mistress of the world, was trying to conquer all the known world, she sent her triumphant hosts against Carthage, that great city of ancient Africa. Here the scale had almost turned for it was

Stern Carthage made the pinion
Of Rome's strong eagle cower,
Thought brief was her dominion,
And now lost is her trace of power,

The African race can boast of many learned and illustrious men and women in this and other countries. Phillis Wheatly, stolen from Boston at the tender age of eight years, learned to be a good reader and to speak English fluently in sixteen months. At twelve years of age she commenced writing poetry; at nineteen she published a small book of her own writings, and before her death, which occurred in her 25th year, she had made considerable progress in Latin. Scipio Africanus, of very dark complexion, was taken prisoner in one of the Roman invasions of Africa and conveyed to Rome as a slave, where he rose to be one of Rome's greatest senators.
History tells us that the first blood that was shed in the << Revolutionary war>> was that of a << colored>> man named Atucks, who was shot dead by the British while leading a march against the. All through that memorable conflict the slaves fought side by side with their masters for freedom, and when the precious blood blought prize was won, they were not allowed to taste I; they were deprived of the arms they had carried and used so long and faithfully, the galling chains of slavery were riveted on them afresh, and they were placed in the bonds of that cruel servitude from which there was no release but death.
Of all the names that time and history have engraved on the bright roll of fame, none stands out in greater brilliancy than that of Toussaint L'Ouverture, born a slave, a self-made scholar, married at twenty-five, his steady, kind ways and polite manners gained the respect and esteem of all who knew him. When the insurrection of 1801 broke out in San Domingo, at the risk of his own life he saved his master and his family and saw them safely embarked for the United States; when raised to a position of honor and trust he sent his two sons to France to be educated. The French wished to obtain possession of the Isle of San Domingo, and refused to let him have his children unless he acceded to their terms; rather than betray the trust which the people had put in him he let the French take his children back to France, and he never saw them again. His words were: “Take back my children since it must be so, but I will be true to God and my brethren.”

ANTHONY BURNS IN BOSTON.

This gentleman has, at length, been redeemed from the clutches of Slavery. Thirteen hundred dollars were paid for his ransom. He can now preach the gospel in peace. We hope Dr. Nehemiah Adams will go and hear him occasionally, and get his impressions of the “South side view of Slavery.” Probably, they differ very materially from the Doctor's. if we mistake not, Bros. Burns and Adams are ministers of the same denomination. We made the assertion a week ago in a Baptist Church, that Mr. A. Burns, at the time of his rendition, was a Christian minister. This was stoutly denied. We have always affirmed that the Sharps and Blagdens, of Boston, and others whose divinity stands so sadly in need of doctoring, are responsible for the rendition of their ministerial brother, for they manufactured, by their infamous pulpit harangues, a public sentiment which rendered the execution of the Fugitive Slave Bill possible. At the time of this passage, we were a resident of Boston. We heard men in the church, and out of it, exclaiming, “this wicked enactment will prove a dead letter; no honorable man will, for a moment, even tolerate the abomination.” Their righteous indignation knows no bounds. They would no longer have Slavery to rule over them. But the peace and harmony clergy of the tri-mountain city, took the matter in hand, and resolved to smother, if not extinguish, the fires of the peoples indignation. They succeeded. They enforced obedience to the most damnable edict that ever disgraced the land, and “gave Scripture for the deed.” The people began to feel that they must “obey the law, while it is law, and strive for its repeal, or anarchy would ensue, and the government be at an end.” Their indignation was laid aside, to be expended in a holier cause, for they wished to remain good citizens and must as a matter of course, obey the injunctions of Paul (?) and the Boston clergy, or the majority of them. Rev. Mr. Grimes, a worthy pastor of the Baptists church lost some of his most valuable members. Other << colored>> churches suffered equally. But the law must be carried out, even though ministers be snatched from the pulpit, to satiate, for the time being, the hungering and thirsting of the wolf for blood. Whether or not the fugitive slave-hunting ministers have, ere this, repented or not, we do not know; but on thing we do know, and that is, “God is not man that he should lie, nor the son of man that he should repent.”

But Mr. Burns is in Boston, and has had an enthusiastic reception in Tremont Temple. He made a very sensible speech on the occasion. Whether or not Dr. Adams was there taking notes to be used as an addendum to his next edition of his “South side view of Slavery,” we are not informed. We, however, select the following extract from the speech of Mr. Burns, and, with all due deference, suggest that its insertion in the next education of his work might be of considerable pecuniary advantage, and also attest the truthfulness (?) of the whole book. Will some friend of the Doctor's hand him the following extract?
“I am glad to see my friends, my brothers and sisters, that I am so blessed by the kind providence of God to be in your assembly here this evening. It is well known to you all, I suppose, without my saying it, that I certainly was once in Boston before, (Laughter.) I do not need at his time nor at any other time that the militia should carry me out again.”
“It is well understood, and has been for a good many years, within the South, that there was a North. (Applause.) I heard the old heads talking some years ago, when I was a small fellow of the << revolutionary war>> . They said that the northern men were endeavored at a certain time to deliver the << colored>> people from bondage. This was looked for, and many died looking for the promise. I bore these things in mind, and they grew up in me. I said that if I ever grew up to be a man, I would try to reach this place which they call the North.
“In the mean time he said that he hoped he had become a Christian, and then he was the more impressed with the importance of being free in body and soul. He thought he had a duty to perform in telling others to flee from the wrath to come; yet being in bondage he could not do it. He grieved over his condition, and it was his prayer and supplication that He would deliver him out of bondage. It seemed that God heard his prayer. Being blessed with an opportunity to make his escape, he did so, and came to Boston, where he felt as in a free land. He said he did not report himself as a fugitive, but wanted to earn his living without being a burden to his friends. He looked out for a little occupation and had been in business about a month when one evening while passing along the street, thinking of no harm he heard somebody running behind him, who clapped his hands upon him. Said he, 'Go back - you are the fellow that broke into the silversmith's shop.' Said I, 'You are mistaken.' He told me the name of the street, but I said I had never been there. 'But you must come along, and if you are not the one we want, said he, 'we will let you alone.' After I started, I found there was some six or seven had laid hold of me, and they carried me almost off my feet. They set me down in the CourtHouse and I waited for the gentleman that they said was robbed to come in. But the men did not talk about him at all, and he did not make his appearance for some time. The scenes that followed, until his going down to the Cutter were passed over.”
“After the trial, on his way to the vessel, he said he found the people in the street, marching form almost every quarter. O, didn't I look brave? Yes. (Laughter.) Just before he was carried out he said he took especial notice of a couple of captains who came in. They strutted around me in the Court House, some of them said, is this the lion? Another said, is this the fellow that has been keeping all this to-do in Boston? Well, he is a mighty lion. My heart was melted in tears, felling there was no dependence but in Christ Jesus, my Lord. All my hopes were then fixed in him, saying, Lord, I believe in thee; I believe it was thou who brought me form bondage in a distant land and I believe thou wilt go with me wherever I go. Feeling so strong in Jesus, the feat of man was taken away. The manner in which he was carried to Virginia has been before stated.”

“He was promised many fine things and fed with fine fancies till he got to Norfolk, He was there put in prison for the first time in his life. There was no bed, no stool, no water in his room. He did not get anything to eat nor any water that day. He stayed in Norfolk two nights and a day, and was then taken to Richmond, where he was put in the Traders prison, and remained a week. He was then taken to the jail and had the shackles put on him. His room there was very small, and he was kept there four months during the hot weather. The bracelets on his wrists wore through the skin. In this condition he said he remembered how Daniel had been put in the lion's den and had been delivered, and how prophets and apostles had suffered and been delivered; and then his faith was strong in God, who he believed would deliver him.”
“At the end of four months he was taken from the jail to be sold at a public auction to go to a southern State. For a long time after he was put upon the block nobody would bid for him. This scene as described by Mr. Burns, was very interesting. Some, walking around him, said, is this the mighty Bostonian? Is this the lion? Some inquired what he thought of the Yankee. Did he think they were fine fellows or rascals? The auctioneer, he said, became quite excited because he could not get any satisfactory bids. One man said, He is a fine, likely, portly looking nigger; I think if I had such a good looking nigger I could make twenty or thirty barrels of corn. (Laughter.) I did not say much to that. By degree the bids run up, and the more they run up the more mad some of the spectators grew. Some said, take down the nigger; some said, burn him; some hang him. At last he rose to $905, and was struck off to David McDonald, a trader, belonging in N. Carolina.
“He asked me if I thought I could go home, and serve him with the rest of his niggers? He wanted a pledge before man and my God. He said he understood I was a preacher, and he wanted such a pledge that I would do thus and so. I did not want to make any pledge, for I believed that God knew all things, and it dwelt deeply in my heart that I should endeavor to see the North once more. (Applause.)

“Having this determination, I could make no pledges whatever. Said he, I want you to speak when I ask you this question. Yes, sir, I hear you. Now, will you not talk to my niggers about the North, and say nothing to any of them, and not preach to any of them? When you want to preach you may preach to me. I made no such pledges. Truly I would have been willing to try to preach the Word of God to him if I had been permitted to do it freely, as I felt that I ought to be. Yet I felt that I wanted to come where I had once been, and commended in a small way, being a freeman.

In conclusion, he said, I thank you my friends, for what you have done to bring back one poor Ethiopian to be with you once more. I say I return you ten thousand thanks with my whole heart and soul for what you have done, and my God bless you.

SLAVERY.

(From the Rev. Mr. Phelps's Lectures.)

WHAT IS SLAVERY?

It is somewhat difficult to give a definition which shall be brief&#151 cover the whole ground, and yet be free from all objection. The best as well as briefest that occurs to me, is this: Slavery is an assumed right of property in man; or, it is the principle, admitted in theory and acted on in practice, that in SOME cases, each individual being his own judge in the case, it is lawful to hold property in man.

To prevent misunderstanding, I will explain a little. I say, 'it is the principle,' &c. because the essence of all oppression lies in principles of oppression, rather than in their action. It is not this or that particular act of cruelty which constitutes oppression. Such particular acts become oppression only as they involve or are the acting out of some general principle, which, admitted as a principle of action, not only gives rise to these acts, in a given instance, but opens the door for their repetition, and also for the infliction of innumerable other similar cruelties, at the mere discretion or caprice of the oppressor. It is the principle involved in such particular acts of oppression, which is the 'very head and front of the offending,' and which mainly constitutes the oppression in the case. Whence arose the << revolutionary war>> ? It is true the three-penny tax on ten, and the stamp act, were the immediate occasions of it; but, after all, what was there in these worth contending for, aside from the principle involved in them? England claimed the right of taxing us at pleasure. She adopted this as a lawful principle of action. This constituted the head and front of her offending, and fraught as it was with untold evils to the colonies, it was resisted unto blood. The war of the revolution was a contest for principle. Had the principle in question been yielded, who could have set limits to the acts of oppression growing out of it? So also in our war for sailors' rights, the bone of contention was, the right of search and impressment. The mere fact that a few seamen had been injured and abused, was as nothing, aside from the principle involved. This, in common with that of the revolution, was a contest for principle, and the oppression resisted was the oppression of principle. And further, whence the utter odiousness and the cruel oppression of the far-famed 'black law' of Connecticut? Not that Miss. Crandall and a few << colored>> Misses are subjected by it to certain shameful acts of cruelty and oppression. These are as nothing, comparatively, except as they involve principle; and the law, which allows and sanctions them, is itself comparatively harmless and innocent, except as it involves
principle&#151 principle which puts in jeopardy the rights of thousands. So in the present case; it is not this or that act of cruelty to this or that slave, which constitutes slavery. The question is not a question of treatment, one way or the other, kind or cruel. It is a question of principle. What if many masters do treat their slaves kindly? That is not the question. Do they not treat their horses and their hounds with greater kindness? What if many masters treat their slaves with cruelty? This is not the question, except as such cruelty involves the principle of property in man, which, admitted as a principle of action, wrests and withholds inalienable rights, and subjects its victims to untold acts of cruelty and oppression, at the mere caprice of an irresponsible master. The
principle&#151 the PRINCIPLE&#151 the PRINCIPLE, that puts men, horses and hounds on the same footing; this is the head and front of the offending; this the climax of the cruelty in the case; and no kindness, however great, can ever annihilate or make amends for it, save that which yields the principle and restores those wrested but inalienable rights.

Again: I say, 'some cases, each individual being his own judge in the case;' because no man, not even the slaveholder, contends that slavery is lawful in all cases. All admit that it is only in some cases that its existence is lawful&#151 cases in which it is supposed there are some peculiar reasons for it. And then, all that is contended for even in respect to these peculiar cases, is, the exercise of discretionary power in the case. Give a man the liberty of holding his fellow men in bondage at his own discretion, and you yield him the fundamental principle of all slavery. Acting on this principle, he may hold him in bondage forever. Now it is this idea of acting discretionarily, that I mean to incorporate in my definition by the phrase, 'in some cases, each individual being his own judge in the case.' And I do it for the special purpose of anticipating objections. Jewish servitude, authorized, as it is said, by God himself, is often quoted as a triumphant refutation of the doctrine, that slavery in all cases, is a sin. Now in respect to this, and all similar examples, it is enough to say, if a man acts by express authority from God in the case; or if, as in the case of crime, &c., he is called by authority of government to decide and act as magistrate in the case; so be it. This is not acting as an individual, on his own responsibility, in the exercise of assumed discretionary power. It is not adopting or acting on the principle, that in some cases, the individual himself being judge in the case, it is lawful to wrest away or withhold inalienable rights; and is not [ ] therefore, acting on the principle, which constitutes the essence and is the source of all slavery in practice.

And finally, by holding man as property, I mean holding him without any will or consent of his own, more than if he were a mere animal, or an inanimate thing, such as an ox or a hoe. I mean, moreover, holding him thus, when, like an item of property, he is guilty of no crime, by which, in the regular operation of equitable laws, his liberty has been forfeited.

Now whether this definition, thus explained, includes all that enters into the idea of slavery or not, is of little importance to my present purpose. Be this as it may, it includes, at least, the starting point whence all slavery originates&#151 the fundamental principle on which it is based, and the sustaining principle by which alone its continued existence is secured. Had the principle, that it is lawful in some cases to hold man as property, never been admitted in theory, or acted on in practice, there had never been a slave, and slaveholding had never existed. Were it to-day to be universally denied in theory and in practice, every fetter would be broken, every slave go free, and all slaveholding cease. All slaveholding in practice begins with the admission in theory, that in some cases, for particular reasons, the individual himself being judge in the case, such slaveholding is lawful; and it is continued in practice by the virtual, if not professed admission in theory, that in some cases, for particular reasons, its continued existence is lawful. In a word, the single principle, that in some cases it is lawful to hold man as property, admitted as a correct principle of action, is the originating and sustaining principle of all slaveholding in practice.

For the Christian Recorder.

LETTER FROM THE 54TH MASSACHUSETTS
REGIMENT.

Morris Island, South Carolina,
August 3, 1864.

DEAR EDITOR: - I now, in making my first attempt at correspondence with you and your paper, write you a few lines concerning things in general that have transpired of late under my own observation in this department of military affairs.
We returned from the James Island Expedition. It was indeed a most perilous undertaking; and the prompt performance of the duty assigned us necessarily involved much hazard and difficulty, as the numerical strength of our troops was much inferior to that of the rebels; but although inferior in numbers, we were vastly superior in point of courage and discipline. We had a great advantage in acting under the guidance of brave and skilful officers, who well knew how to dispose and handle the heroic band under their command.
Our forces were advanced in a most judicious and cautious manner. Heavy lines of skirmishers were thrown forward and across the entire Island, intending to present the appearance of a strong force, and succeeded in keeping the rebs at bay until we were reinforced by seven additional regiments.
We were securely intrenched, and our boys had been anticipating an attack every hour, but the rebs failed to make a general attack on our lines. Nevertheless, General Hatch succeeded in completely surprising them on John's Island. The astonished rebels at that place were rudely awakened from their morning slumbers by a loud salute from our artillery men in the shape of a perfect shower of singeing shot and screaming shell! With true cordiality and feeling the rebs returned our warm greeting, but they were soon compelled to fall back beneath the furious assault and impetuosity of our troops. In the attack, General Hatch was most nobly supported from our right. Having effected the design of the expedition, our brave General withdrew his trusty forces.
I shall now endeavor to make a few remarks in reference to the condition of the 54th. It has been sixteen months since we were mustered in as a regiment, and fourteen months of that time have been spent in active service. We have been on a great many arduous and dangerous expeditions, fought three hard battles, - and yet after all this, we have not received one cent of remuneration from the Government. We now would ask the Christian and law-abiding citizen, and all dignitaries in authority, if we have not performed our duty as soldiers, and maintained our dignity and honour as citizens? And have we not borne a patriotic part in every campaign, and ranked in discipline, bravery and heroism with the first regiments in the Southern department? Why, then, is it that we are not recognised as true and lawful citizens, and receive our pay as soldiers? Why are we insulted and told by the paymaster that the negro is not considered as a soldier, but rather as an inferior sort of laborer, to whom he is to pay at most not more than seven dollars per month? I would respectfully ask the question, gentlemen of the city of Boston and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, if this is fit treatment for a brave and gallant regiment of men. Will the vast city of Boston, and the generous and sympathizing State of Massachusetts stand by unmoved, and with unpitying eye permit this foul opprobrium and scorn to be cast upon them? - or will they stand in our defence, even if that derision be heaped upon them which was cast upon that stern old patriot, Andrew Jackson, when he acknowledged the negroes as soldiers, as brethren, and as fellow-citizens - to incur the same dangers and share the same glory alike with their white fellow-citizens? The city of Boston has made the same kind of promises, guarantying that every << colored>> recruit shall have all the rights and privileges, and receive the same pay, bounty, clothing, etc., as the white troops - but, alas! like Andrew Jackson, they too have promised the negroes every thing pertaining to a citizenship, in order to get them into the field, and then they keep them there, without pay, without the stipulated bounty, and not even deigning to treat them in a Christian and civil manner. No promise has been regarded by them.
Now, Boston and Massachusetts want to shift the responsibility of this inhumanity from their door, and cast it on the shoulders of the general Government. They now say that there has been no law passed in reference to the pay of << colored>> troops.
The educated negro does not enter into contracts without knowing what recompense he is to receive or is promised for his services. The State of Massachusetts has agents in the county of Suffolk, and some one of these parties is responsible.
We are fully satisfied that our debtors are solvent, and we are determined to get all we have enlisted for, when we get back to prosecute the matter, those of us, at least, who may live to come back.
Twenty thousand dollars, over ad above our three years, will be sacrificed by this regiment, in order that we may test the law upon this matter. We will have all or nothing. We will not tamely submit to the infliction of wrongs most foul, as did our forefathers, and go back to despondency and submission without even a single struggle.
We have sacrificed our homes and comforts, and even our lives, for the frivolous promise of the unprincipled recruiting officers of Boston and vicinity that we should have all the rights of citizens.
If I had not thought that there might be some truth or veracity in owl-leaders in cities, states, &c., I would have staid in England when I last visited that place - but God will avenge the wrongs of him who is oppressed - and no Government can prosper that is deceptive and false at its very foundation and rules of doing things. The Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and the Boston authorities need not think that the negro, with his present greatly increased share of learning and wealth, will be satisfied with the easy, palm-off and shut-your-eye-up style of Andrew Jackson assurance, nor be content with any thing less than their just rights and privileges. If we fight to maintain a Republican Government, we want Republican privileges; if a monarchical Government, monarchical privileges.
If we are to be recognized as citizens, we want the rights of citizens! Have we lost ground or receded any in the advanced stage of this nineteenth century, or has our race degenerated on account of living in this enlightened and free country?
If we are less worthy as soldiers, as brothers, or as citizens, which has so nobly been set forth by Washington, Madison, Jefferson and Jackson, acknowledging our dignity, honor, bravery and love of country - if we have become so degenerated in this enlightened country that our ability is less worthy our acknowledgment as citizens than they were at the time of the << Revolutionary War>> against Great Britain, it would be better if we had been left in the States of Barbary or on the coast of Niger. Much better would it have been.
But, gentlemen, I am gratified to know that the descendants of Africa, and the so-called adopted sons of America have more than kept pace with the Anglo-Saxon. We do not claim that we are more intelligent than our so-called superior race, but we are nearly equal in intelligence, and have acquired a knowledge of science and literature that would surprise the world, if they only knew of the difficulties we have had to encounter to acquire it for ourselves and for our children.
The Anglo-Saxon in America claims that if we are acknowledged citizens, we will covet their wives, daughters and sisters - but it is to the contrary. The respectable part of the << colored>> race consider that their own kind would make the most affectionate companions, and in the case of the so-called aristocracy, if any were known to thus sinfully amalgamate, or should cause their race to be degenerated, the same should be cut off from his inheritance. We do not covet your wives nor your daughters, nor the position of the political orator. All we ask is the proper enjoyment of the rights of citizenship, and a free title and acknowledged share in our own noble birthplace, which we are ready and willing to defend while a single drop of blood courses through our veins.
The negro has a mind susceptible and alive to improvement, and a manly spirit that aspires to dignity and refinement, and is well competent to discern when his services or society are depreciated. These are true facts which cannot be denied.
We, as a regiment, have bound ourselves together with one accord and as one man to protect our own rights: those rights which are now denied us should be given us. There is but one course left for us to pursue. If we are still persistently held and treated as aliens, we must, as a necessary and inevitable consequence, apply to aliens for redress!
And now, Mr. Editor, in conclusion, let me say that I shall correspond with you again, with your permission.
I will give you the whole particulars in reference to matters on the Island when next I write.
We have some good news to tell you. By the exchange of prisoners the following names were brought to light that were thought killed in the assault made upon Fort Wagner some time ago. General Seymour and some others were only exchanged:
Corporal Charles Hardy, Lemuel Blakes, Geo. Conneill, George Grant, Samuel Wilson, Jesse Brown, William Rigby, Solomon Anderson, Alf. Green, Daniel States.
All these have been in the city of Charleston, and were engaged while there in waiting upon officers. They were all from the city of Philadelphia, and State of Pennsylvania. It will indeed be a joyful meeting when they all get home once more.
Yours, &c.,
J.H. HALL, Co. B.,
Fifty-fourth Mass. Col. Troops.

COMMUNICATIONS.

For Frederick Douglass'' Paper.
CLEVELAND, O., Sept. 11th, 1852.

We have just passed through a season long to be remembered; and, knowing you to be interested in all such demonstrations, I, tho' merely a looker-on, hasten to lay before you a short account of this one.
On Wednesday last, (the 8th,) commenced the session of the Mass Convention of the << colored>> citizens of this State. A larger number of << colored>> persons, male and female, were never collected at any such meeting in Ohio. The meeting was early graced with the presence of persons from other States. Among them, Peyton Harris, Esq., of Buffalo, N.Y.; Rev. David Lett, of Michigan; and John B. Vashon, Esq., of Pittsburgh, Pa.
The Chairman of the State Central Committee, W.H. Day, called the Convention to order at 10 o'clock.
Subsequently, Sabram Cox, of Loraine County, was appointed President; L.D. Taylor, of Franklin, J.M. Langston, of Lorain, D. Jenkins, of Franklin, J. Lott, of Erie, and S. McSimpson, of Muskingum, Vice Presidents; Messrs. Ferguson and Fowler, of Hamilton, and W.F. Boyd, of Cuyahoga, Secretaries; Rev. Mr. Lett, Chaplain.
The usual committees having been appointed, the Convention adjourned for dinner.
At 2 o'clock, the Convention was called to order by D. Jenkins, one of the Vice Presidents.
After a song, and some business, Mr. W.H. Day introduced to the Convention Rev. Dr. Pennington, who had just arrived, and who was obliged to leave the same afternoon, on his way to his home in New York City. - Of his speech, says Mr. Howland, (<< colored>> ,) phonographic reporter in the columns of the Herald, of this city:
"The Dr. took the stand and delighted the convention with a short, brilliant and instructive address on the history of the past, and the part which the << colored>> people have taken in the struggles of this nation for independence and its various wars since its achievement.
Mr. P. is a graduate of America's "Peculiar Institution." l His graduation fees were paid only very recently by the beneficience of sundry English ladies and gentlemen; and his Doctrate of Divinity was conferred on him by one of the German Universities. Dr. Pennington claimed for his race the honor of being the first Americans whose bosoms were fired by the spirit of American Independence. And that claim, we think, he amply justified by documentary evidence.
He read sundry antique papers, collected by him with great pains from the archives of the State of New York, showing, that some thousands of << colored>> people in that State, thirty years before the Declaration of Independence was promulgated, were charged by the King of Great Britain with conspiring against his authority, attempting to throw off their obedience to him, and seeking to possess themselves of the Government of the Colony of New York. Some of them were banished, and others were hanged. Those << colored>> fathers of his, said the Rev. Doctor, attributed their slavery to King George, and maintained their rights to freedom to be inviolable.
Subsequently, when the white fathers of our Revolution, "walking in the footsteps of their illustrious predecessors," declared against Britain's King, they said to his << colored>> fathers: That King did make you slaves. Now come you and help us break his rule in this country, and that done, we'll all be free together.
Dr. P. exhibited to the audience an autograph petition of the << colored>> people of Connecticut to the Government of Connecticut, presented immediately after the << Revolutionary war>> , and praying that Government to comply with the promise which had been made them of freedom, and under which they had help fight the battles of that war.
He read, also, an autograph paper of George Washington, dismissing from the service of that war, with high recommendation of their courage and efficiency, several << colored>> men; and also certificates of a like character from numbers of officers, both naval and military, in both our wars with England. We wish we could give Dr. P.' whole speech, and especially in his own well-chosen words."
The remarks of Dr. P.I. cannot fully report; but I trust they may be published by the Convention.
The Convention was then addressed by Mrs. Sojourner Fruth, Peyton Harris, and Mr. Flewellen, formerly of Georgia.
A communication was read from the North American League, and referred.
The Business Committee, through its chairman, J.J. Gaines, of Hamilton, reported several resolutions relating to freedom and equal rights. After considerable discussion upon these, and the adoption of the main report, the Convention adjourned till evening.
In the evening, an important resolution was presented and adopted. It is as follows:
"Resolved, That in our opinion the only way to mitigate the evils of the Fugitive Law is for each and all, singly and collectively, to enforce for himself and themselves, whenever and wherever the alternative of slavery or liberty is attempted to be forced upon them, the right of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and in no case to deal more mildly with the robber of body, than with the highwayman or the assassin; but in all cases to use the mildest means adequate.
The resolution was discussed at length; Mrs. Sojourner Fruth urging peace and forbearance. Others contented, that as the government had forsaken us, and joined hands with the robber, he, urged on by his passions and his avarice, with carnal weapons, should, wherever escape seemed cut off, and danger great, be met in this matter of slavery and liberty, with his own like weapons, whenever good fortune enabled to do so.
The Convention then adjourned to join in the general jubilee, over some of the events which << colored>> people have helped to make conspicuous.
Thursday morning at sunrise, a salute was fired in the public square, in honor of the day, by the "Cleveland Light Artillery," and another at 9 o'clock, as the procession formed. The procession, a very large one, proceeded in the following order:

Grand Marshal.
(His aids being distributed through the procession.)
Hicker Brass Band.
Officers of the Day.
Soldiers in several wars of the
United States.
Invited Guests.
Vigilance Committee's Banner:

The divine Hercules with a club; the monster slavery prostrate at his feet; a woman in the distance, with her manacles broken; he points to the motto, "LIBERTY."

Officers and members of Convention.
Mechanic's Banner:
"No dignity without labor." (Mechanics dressed in white pantaloons.)
Sons of Enterprise, Cincinnati,

With a most beautifully-wrought banner; the work of Miss Young, a << colored>> lady of Cincinnati.

Brass Band.
A representation from the Henderson
Encampment of Ohio,
in regalia.
St. Mark's Lodge, No. 7, of
Columbus, Ohio, in
regalia.
Corinthian Lodge, No. 1, Cincinnati,
in regalia.
Zerubabel Chapel, Cincinnati,
in regalia.

Lady members of Cleveland Vigilance Committee, and Miss Josephine Darnes, of Oberlin, with a banner made by young ladies of Oberlin, and to be presented to that Committee.
This is a beautiful banner, well trimmed, bearing these mottoes:
Education is our greatest Hope! Colonization, equal to Pious Hatred! The Bible and Uncle Tom's Cabin! Buckeyes, are our chains All Forged?

Female American Association,
Cincinnati.

The procession proceeded with music thro' the principal streets of the city to Dr. Neverin's Church, where the exercises were opened with prayer, by Rev. Dr. Nevin.

Music by the band.

Reading of documents and correspondence by J. Mercer Langston, A.B., of Oberlin.

Music.
Oration by Wm. Howard Day, A.B.

Of the oration, I hardly know how to speak. Suffice it to say, that it was able, classic, elegant, and most beautiful; in a word, it was every way worthy the head and heart of its young and talented author. But I must do myself the pleasure of sending you the following editorial, supposed to be from the pen of the Hon. George Bradburn. - Says the Daily True Democrat, of the 10th inst.
"During the procession's movement, salutes were discharged by the Cleveland Artillery; of which the orator of the day subsequently said: "They were the first thunders of artillery that over awaked the echoes of these hills, in honor of the << colored>> people. - But they shall not be the last." The procession, having passed through some of the principal streets, entered, or, rather, so much of it as could do so, entered the Rev. Mr. Nevin's Church.
The services in the church consisted of music by the Band, a prayer by Rev. Mr. Nevin, the reading of sundry historical documents illustrative of the connection of << colored>> men with the military affairs of our country, and an oration by Mr. William H. Day.
The principal feature in the ceremonials of this jubilee, was the address of our fellow-citizen, Mr. William H. Day; a performance worthy of its great purpose, and therefore most creditable to the author. Not often have we heard an address listened t with so absorbing an attention, nor observed an audience to be more deeply moved, than was Mr. Day's, by some parts of that address. - After noticing the day, the 9th of September, which had been selected for their jubilation, and illustrating its pre-eminent suitableness to the occasion, by happy references to many illustrious events of which it was the anniversary, Mr. Day addressed himself to an able vindication of the claims of his race in this country, to an equal participation in the exercise and enjoyment of those American rights which large numbers of that race, in common with the men of fairer complexion, had fought, suffered, and died to establish. - Behind the orator sat some seven or eight veteran << colored>> men. Mr. D.'s apostrophe to those veterans was as touching as admirable, and produced a profound sensation.
On Thursday afternoon, at 3 o'clock, the Convention re-assembled. The resolution relating to the action of churches, was, on motion of D. Jenkins, considered; and finally, the whole subject was laid upon the table.
By invitation, Rev. James Freeman Clarke, of Boston, Massachusetts, then addressed the Convention. His remarks were, as they always are, earnest and pointed. He adduced many facts to show that << colored>> people in this country were holding some of the best positions in some of our cities; and urged the members of the Convention to press on; that to continue showing they were "somebody," was all that is needed.
A communication from Mr. J. Leopold Stigo, a leading German here, was read and accepted, encouraging the Convention to labor on; as unlike the poor of Europe, the << colored>> people's star of redemption would soon appear.
The Convention voted to appoint twenty-three delegates to the next National Convention, which was agreed would probably be held at Buffalo, N.Y.
The Chairman of the Business Committee then made further report, endorsing certain resolutions passed previously, in a meeting of Cincinnatians. Most of them met a hearty reception. One of the most important is this:
"Resolved, That we regard the bill introduced into Congress by Mr. Stanley, of N.C., apportioning the interest of the surplus revenue among the several States, for the removal of << colored>> persons to Liberia, as another blow aimed at our rights, and we solemnly enter our protest against it, as an assumption of power totally unwarranted by the Constitution; the Colonization Society having no more right to such aid, than any other association of private individuals."
The Convention then appointed Messrs. David Jenkins, H.F. Douglass, F.J. Goode, L. Dow Taylor, and Charles H. Langston, all of Columbus, a State Central Committee. - After the usual resolutions of thanks, &c., the Convention adjourned to some time in 1853; the report says in July.
In the evening, a large meeting was held in the church of Dr. E.H. Nevin. Among the speakers, were several who took part in some of the battles of the country. One of these men is Mr. John Julius, of Pittsburgh, Pa. His age is now about seventy.
This meeting will be of vast benefit to our cause in this section. It is generally conceded, that a few more such demonstrations will redeem our noble Buckeye State.
L.W.M.

THANKSGIVING REFLECTIONS.

ON THE MORAL, CIVIL, POLITICAL AND PROGRESSIVE STATUS OF THE << COLORED>> RACE.

BY REV. J.W. MALONE.

“O give thanks unto the Lord, for he is good; talk ye of all his wondrous works.” Arriving here (Oskaloosa, Iowa) today, (the national Thanksgiving Day) I concluded to remain till tomorrow. However before retiring for the night, I am reflecting on the past, present and future condition of the << colored>> race. The American negro has been an important factor in history and politics more than two hundred and fifty years &#150 as a slave, as a freedman, as a soldier and as a citizen. And the end is not yet, nor will it be until the color-line is removed and American color prejudice entirely blotted out; till the American people fully recognize and endorse the true spirit and principles set forth in the glorious Declaration of American Independence &#150 “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men all men are created free and equal,” &c. Not till then can it be truly and honestly said that "America is the land of the free and the home of the brave, irrespective of nationality, race, color or previous condition of servitude.” The negro has always been loyal and true to this government in every conflict for its perpetuation and protection, maintaining its laws and upholding its flag. He has not been found halting as to his duty but ever ready to fight in the defense of this country. In the << Revolutionary war>> the negro fought for the young Republic and was the first to fall (in the person of Attucks) in defense of the Union. In the war of 1812 and also in the so-called Jackson war, the Negro fought bravely in the battles at New Orleans and elsewhere, and during the late civil war for the suppressions of the slaveholders' rebellion, and to preserve the union, the negro was there as a soldier more than two hundred thousand strong, doing good service. “The << colored>> troops fought nobly,” showing a courage and devotion never surpassed. Although the negro had no rights that the governments respected or protected before the war, and but little protection during the war, yet the negro, overlooking this insult and outrage, with his manhood rising above it, could say in the language of Patrick Henry, “O America, with all thy faults, we love thee still.” Before the civil war or rebellion, even the so-called free << colored>> people had no rights, no protection, no oath against a white man, no vote nor voice in the making of or expressing the law. The << colored>> people generally were outraged and robbed of their rights. No wonder that the Supreme Court of the United States rendered a decision that the negro had no rights that a white person was bound to respect &c. I refer to these things of the past that we may plainly see and better comprehend the great changes and progress that have taken place in regard to the moral, civil and political right and advancements of the << colored>> race. Raised from serfdom to manhood, transformed from a degraded slave to citizenship, being now recognized by this grand Republic as part and parcel of the great body politic. A wonderful change indeed. The Lord be praised. “O give thanks unto the Lord. Glory ye in his holy name; make known his deeds among the people.”

In the late rebellion there was a conflict between freedom and oppression, between right and wrong. Finally the right prevailed, justice triumphed and the bondman became free, slavery being buried so deep that the trumpet of treason and horns of secession will never be able to resurrect it to life again in this country. Hence it mattes not who is President or what party is in power, slavery is dead and buried in this country.

“O, give thanks unto the Lord.” Yes, thank God the chains of slavery clank no more on American soil, and the shadow so the stars and stripes, the emblem of liberty, float over none but freemen in this Republic; such being the result of the slaveholders' rebellion and the civil war. The hand of the Almighty seemed to have been in the matter, and thus using the Republican Party as the instrument for the suppression of the rebellion, saving the Union, freeing the slave, raising the negro to manhood, elevating him to citizenship, clothing him with civil and political rights as accorded to all men, thus making him equal before the law.
“O, give thanks unto the Lord.” Notwithstanding, after all these things have been done for the << colored>> people, there are many places in the late slaveholding States, under democratic rule, where the << colored>> people are deprived of their rights, being cruelly treated, outraged and murdered. Under Southern democratic rule there is no law for the protection of the negro, it not being considered a crime to mistreat, outrage and murder Negroes; their rights and citizenship not being allowed nor respected. So much for the rebel Solid South, a disgrace to this grand Republic. However, let us now notice the condition of the negro when liberated from the house of bondage, with all the concomitant evils of slavery upon him. Having been outraged and degraded, robbed of his manhood, he was left ignorant, homeless, friendless and penniless, to root hog or die, so to speak. Bu the negro through many obstacles has bravely battled against prejudice, valiantly fought against oppression, manfully met the tide of hate and pushed his way on morally, civilly, religiously, intellectually and politically to the front, unit we now have representative men and women at the front, more than five hundred thousand strong, and still they are coming. “O, give thanks unto the Lord.”

We have among the << colored>> race, business and professional men and women of all classes and grades, shades and colors. Lawyer and doctors, preachers and teachers, philosophers and poets, Greek, Latin and Hebrew scholars authors and publishers, editors, artists and scientists, merchants and mechanics, planters and farmers, owning thousand of acres of land, owning and controlling several schools and colleges. Hence the negro is susceptible of improvement and is progressive. “O give thanks unto the Lord.” There are quite a number of << colored>> men in the government service in the several departments at Washington and elsewhere. << Colored>> men have been Congressmen &#150 senator and representative members of State legislatures and have filled State and county offices. Therefore the << colored>> man, when given a chance, has proven himself equal to the white man in every respect &#150 morally, socially, civilly, religiously, intellectually and politically, thus exhibiting the fact the humanity is the same; whether wrapped in white or black skin a man's a man. The negro has become so Americanized that it is impossible to separate the two races, for wherever the negro goes the white man will go too.
Hence, the races are terribly mixed up; so much so, that in many instances we can scarcely tell a white person from one who passes for << colored>> . Yet, with all this mixing up of the races and crossing of the blood, the American people still try to keep up the color-line; the whites being so much prejudiced against color that they could not even hold the Worlds' Exposition without drawing the color-line, thereby proving to the world that they hate the negro and are prejudiced against his color. The Southern style is to keep the negro to himself in traveling and at public paces, yet under such treatment the negro must make the bets he can of it, for a half loaf is better than nothing at all.

I am frequently asked for my opinion concerning the prospective change to take place in the National administration, etc. My opinion is, as far s it concerns the << colored>> people there will be no serious results growing out of the change. A change in the National administration will not materially affect the State governments; Republican State will likely remain so, and democratic States are not likely to change. As to the democratic Solid South, with their shotgun policy, I don't think that matters will be any worse down there in the treatment of the << colored>> people by the election of a democratic President. They now have things their own way &#150 ku-kluckism, rifle &#150clubism, bulldoznism, intimdiatism, terroism, fraud, outrage and murder, etc. &#150 what more can they do by having a democratic administration? But pardon me for this digression; I must stop this train of thought else I will become to indignant I will forget to give thanks unto the Lord. Let the << colored>> people more generally move up higher morality, civility, religiously, intellectually, with more wealth; being industrious and using economy all will be well in the end. “O, give thanks unto the Lord.”
Oskaloosa, Iowa.

UNKIND TREATMENT.

As a specimen of the spirit of love which a flaming colonizationist can exhibit towards a highly esteemed but brutally treated << colored>> citizen of Boston,&#151 and of the hardihood with which he can distort truth,&#151 we copy the following characteristic article from the New-York Commercial Advertiser, the editor of which paper is the Secretary of the N.Y. Colonization Society:

Great National Anti-Slavery Meeting.&#151 Much has been said and threatened respecting the grand results to be derived from the contemplated formation of a National Anti-Slavery Society. We learn from the Philadelphia papers, that after great efforts to collect together a suitable number of immediate abolitionists, the body assembled recently in that city for the
purpose&#151 marched bed into the Adelphia Hall with becoming gravity&#151 and on counting the numerous host, they were found to consist of about fifty delegates. Many of them were from the Eastern States&#151 particularly from Rhode Island, Massachusetts and Mame. They came in the President steamboat, yesterday fortnight and behaved in a characteristic manner.&#151 There happened to be a negro who was a deck passenger; and they undertook to compel his admission to the dinner table of the ladies and gentlemen who were passengers. One of them declared that he should be admitted to the table; but Captain Bunker gave them to understand that he had command of the ship. The fellow himself, prompted by the delegates, put on airs incompatible with his station, and refused to take his dinner with the deck hands. Captain B. told him that if he created difficulty he would put him ashore. In the course of the afternoon, however, his appetite taught him a lesson of propriety, and he quietly partook of his dinner with the cook, who was a man of his own color. The delegates kept up the discussion for hours&#151 showing the extent and exactness of their learning, confounding Jugurtha and the Numidians, the Egyptians, Hannibal and the Carthagenians, with the race of Guinea. In the course of the afternoon, they threatened Captain Bunker with a prosecution for not complying with their demand of admitting their protege to the table with the ladies. As we were on board at the time, we do not speak without knowledge.

In reply to the above scurrilous fiction, the Boston Courier of Wednesday contains the following dispassionate statement from Mr. Southard, one of the delegates who was on board of the President:

TO THE EDITOR OF THE COURIER:

In your paper of the 21st instant, I noticed an article copied from the
New-York Commercial Advertiser, which is in some respects inaccurate. I refer to the article headed 'Great National Anti-Slavery Meeting.' The writer states that he does not speak without knowledge on the subject, but I am sorry to perceive that his knowledge is not perfectly exact. He says that the delegates from the east went in the President steamboat, and behaved in a characteristic manner. I will give you his own words. 'There happened to be a negro who was a deek passenger, and they undertook to compel his admission to the dinner table of the ladies and gentlemen who were passengers,' &c. &c.

In answer to this, I beg leave to give the following statement to the public: On Monday, the 2d inst. the following gentlemen took passage in the steamboat President, viz. Rev. Amos A. Phelps, John R. Cambell, James G. Barbadoes, Joshua Coffin, and Nathaniel Southard, of Boston; David Cambell of
New-Hampshire; John Prentice of Providence, and Rev. Ray Potter of Pawtucket R.I. The above were all of them delegates on their way to Philadelphia. Mr. Barbadoes is a << colored>> man, well known in Boston as an intelligent and respectable citizen. As a man of business, he is highly esteemed for honor and integrity. His father was a volunteer in the << revolutionary war>> , and then, so far from being shunned, his company was sought, by some of the best men of the land. He fought long and well, in hopes to bequeath liberty to his children. But the tempting fruit for which he fought is turned to ashes to their taste. There was not one of the delegates who was not willing to be known as his friend and companion. He offered the full price (eight dollars) for his passage, but the Captain's clerk refused to take it, stating that there was no place in the cabin for black people. One of the delegates remonstrated with the clerk, and requested that his friend should be allowed the customary privileges of the boat; but he was flatly refused. Finding there was no other alternative, Mr. Barbadoes paid five dollars, the price for a deck passenger, and remained on deck. About sundown, a cold wind, accompanied by a slow rain or a thick mist, obliged all the lovers of health and comfort to retire to the cabin. At such a time, when it would have been cruel to oblige a dog to remain on deck, our friend was there exposed to a wind which was almost severe enough to freeze one's blood. Early in the evening the following paper was drawn up and carried to Captain Bunker:

On board the steamboat President,
Dec. 2, 1833.

To Captain Bunker, steamboat President:

Dear Sir:&#151 The undersigned beg leave respectfully to prefer a request that Mr. James G. Barbadoes, a << colored>> gentlemen of unexceptionable character, be permitted. according to his wish, to enjoy the privileges of the boat; and they would be the more earnest in this request, inasmuch as Mr. Barbadoes's health is, at the present time, quite feeble.

Yours, with much respect,

AMOS A. PHELPS,RAY POTTER,

JOHN PRENTICE,NATH'L SOUTHARD,

JOSHUA COFFIN,J.R. CAMBELL,

S.W. FOSTER,DAVID CAMBELL.

When Captain Bunker understood that the paper had reference to Mr. Barbadoes, he refused to read it. He said it was a rule of the boat that << colored>> men should not be admitted to the cabin. He had never violated that rule, and never would. He further declared that if it were not a rule of the boat, and if he had it in his power, he would not admit him to the cabin. He remained on deck till half past ten o'clock, when he was allowed to retire into the forward cabin. Between four and five the next morning, he was roused from his hard bed, and resumed his station on deck. During the night the rain and wind had increased very much. In consequence of his exposure his health was injured so much that it was with great difficulty that he kept on his way to Philadelphia. He was detained in the latter place several days on account of his health.

As the statement given in the Courier is a misrepresentation, I hope you will do me the favor to insert this, the correctness of which I am ready at any time to prove. The editor of the Commercial Gazette, and all other editors who have copied the article referred to, are earnestly solicited to insert the above.

Yours, &c.

NATHANIEL SOUTHARD.

Boston, Dec. 23, 1833.

In addition to the above, we have received an account of the affair from the pen of Mr. Barbadoes, from which we make the following extracts:

'Captain Bunker denies the right of << colored>> men to enjoy equal privileges with white men. Still, he receives them on board of his boat without notifying them that they cannot be served as other passengers, and then treats them rudely if they request the accommodations usually granted to persons of a white complexion. After proceeding to Newport, I presented my ticket at the office, for which I had paid; but it was refused&#151 Captain Bunker informing me that there was no accommodation for me, as I was not a man; and that if I persisted in urging my claims, I should be put on shore, but that if I behaved well, I should be well treated. I replied that that was all I wished&#151 to be treated like a gentleman, and my conduct would be such as became one&#151 but such treatment I had not received.

About sunset, I was told by the cook that my dinner was ready; the place of entertainment was the cook-room. Of course, as I am not in the habit of living in that manner, I declined eating anything.

I was kept on deck until 11 o'clock at night, in a very disagreeable
storm&#151 the effects of which so impaired my health (which was in a very delicate state) as to datain me several days in Philadelphia.

Capt. Bunker passionately declared that the generous exertions of the eight white gentlemen, with whom I was in company, to procure for me the same privileges as they themselves enjoyed, were doing me an injury. He said, moreover, that the rule in relation to << colored>> persons had never been broken in either of the boats. This assertion I promptly disproved by informing him that, in June last. I took passage on board of the Benjamin Franklin, in company with Messrs. Geo. W. Thompson and Thos. Cole of Boston, and Capt. Richard Johnson of New-Bedford, all respectable << colored>> gentlemen: we all ate, drank, and slept in the after cabin, and were politely treated by the Captain.

This, Mr. Editor, is a simple statement of facts; and I leave a candid public to decide not only upon the conduct of Capt. Bunker, but also upon the veracity and decency of the writer in the New-York Commercial Advertiser, who has pretended to give an accurate account of the affair, but which is full of colonization abuse and proscription.

In view of treatment like the above, justice requires, both of the friends and enemies of the people of color, that they should remember that in the revolutionary struggle with Great Britain, our fathers were called upon to fight for liberty: and promptly did they obey the summons&#151 gallantly contending, shoulder to shoulder, with those who then made no distinction as to the color of a man's skin, that they might secure to themselves and their children the rights and privileges of freemen.'

JAMES G. BARBADOES.

BOSTON, Dec. 24, 1833.

EXTRACT

FROM A SPEECH OF DANIEL O'CONNELL, ESQ., M.P., AND THE SPEECH OF C.L.

REMOND, DELIVERED AT THE ANNIVERSARY MEETING OF THE BRITISH AND
FOREIGN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, HELD IN LONDON, MAY 14, 1841.
On motion of D. O'Connell, Esq., M.P.,

"Resolved, That this meeting rejoices to learn, that, amidst the various discouragements felt by the abolitionists of the United States of America, the cause to which they are devoted is steadily gaining ground, at no distant period, they trust, to triumph over every obstacle: to them the meeting extend their warm sympathy and zealous co-operation, and they solemnly call on all who profess the Christian name in that country, to clear themselves of the odious crime, that they may bear their united testimony against a system which violates the dearest rights of mankind, and is contrary to the spirit and precepts of the gospel.
"That whilst this meeting tender to the government of this country their grateful acknowledgments for the deep interest it has manifested in the suppression of the foreign slave trade, and the attention it has generally paid to questions affecting the freedom and happiness of the human race, [ ] feel bound to record the disapproval of the recognition by the British government, of the independence of Texas, (a state, which, by its fundamental laws, has legalized the existence, and provided for the perpetuity of slavery and the slave-trade,) as at once derogatory to the national honor, and calculated to increase the sum of human misery and degradation.

"That this meeting regard with intense interest the proceedings of the government and people of France, in relation to the abolition of slavery in its various colonies, and cherish the hope, that no measure which has not for its basis the complete and unconditional emancipation of the slaves, will either be introduced into, or receive the sanction of, the legislature; that, by the just and speedy termination of so hateful a system, the honor of that great nation may be advanced, and a noble example set for the limitation of other nations."

Lord Palmerston had said that he had recognized the Texans, because by that means European literature and European public opinion would get among them, and they would be ashamed of keeping their negroes in bondage. (Laughter.) It was a mockery. Lord Palmerston, good, sweet man, hoped to coax the birds from the bushes, and when he had done that, he would perhaps be able to coax the Texans to give up their slaves, but he would not be able to effect it before. (Laughter and cheers.) They had made a law that negroes should not be sold under execution. It bore the aspect of humanity, but what was its true character? A fraudulent debtor ran away from North America to Texas, taking with him his negroes. His creditors followed him, with proofs establishing his debt, but the newly-arrived planter had nothing but his negroes, and they could not be sold to discharge it. The Texans had employed the American and British press to deceive the public mind, and to convince the British people that that country of outlaws and runaways, whose president lived in a house built of five or six logs, with the chimney outside, (laughter,) was a mighty state, so healthy that neither Paradise nor Gonnaught were to be compared to it. (Laughter.) It was true that some few spots were healthy, but they were only known to be so by the contrast. (Cheers.) Let stock-jobbers and loan-lenders beware of Texas - it was a poisonous swamp, in which they might, as a return for their money, catch the yellow fever, but they would catch nothing else. (Laughter and cheers.) IF they had anything to do with these loans, they would rue the day when they advanced them. (Hear, hear.) His trade was agitation on behalf of justice. (Hear, Hear.) He was an advocate for a fair representative government all over the earth, and he contended that every man in the British dominions, who attained the age of manhood, and had a fixed habitation, whether a lodger or proprietor, ought to be represented in the British Parliament. (Cheers.) It was by such meetings as the present that they were stimulated in the work of the regeneration of mankind. It was meetings like this which enabled him to express his indignant scorn at the political hypocrisy of statesman, who pretended to weep at the sufferings of humanity, while they were only sighing for office. (Loud cheers.) That shout was just and generous. (Cheers.) It was sad, John Bull was remarkable for his good sense, and saw as far through a millstone as the man who made it. (Laughter.) Could he not see that theirs was a flimsy pretext, and not a scheme to be worked out for the sake of humanity? Let it not be forgotten that the West India planters in their own country consumed nothing but slave-grown sugar. It was brought to England, entered at the custom-house, refined, and then exported, there being a drawback of the duty. (Hear, hear.) He never knew a case of drawback of duty in which there was not a little swindling. It was sent to the West Indies, and consumed on the estates of the Goulburns, the Grants, the Gladstones, and the Sandons, who were delighted that they got it so cheap, and that it tasted of the blood of the negro. (Hear, hear.) The honorable and learned gentleman then alluded to the corn laws, and concluded by calling on the meeting not to cease the prosecution of their object until every slave was free. He sat down amid long-continued cheering.

Mr. C.L. REMOND, on rising to second the resolution, said - In the few remarks which I propose to offer on this occasion, I shall confine myself to the merits of the resolution. I approve of it throughout, and I hope you will do the same. The friends of the << colored>> man in America have been wont to despond; for never, while Great Britain pursues the course she does at the present time, can they hope to carry their course to a successful termination. It is in vain to attempt the annihilation of American slavery, while that system receives the encouragement now afforded to it in this country. (Hear, hear.) I know that the question is a difficult and a troublesome one; but, inasmuch as the anti-slavery party of Great Britain have been the chosen instruments of the Almighty for carrying out the great doctrine of human rights, I hope they will continue to stimulate their friends in America. If ever there was a class of the fellow-citizens of any portion of the civilized world which deserved the co-operation of philanthropic minds in this country, it is their fellow-abolitionists, comparatively few in number, in the United States. (Loud cheering.) I was one of seventeen members of the first anti-slavery society formed in America. From that time to the present [ ] been acquainted with all their movements, and they have had to make larger sacrifices, and to undergo deeper sufferings than any other class of men in the world who have associated for so noble and good an object. (Loud cheers.) The foreign slave trade, to say nothing of the domestic slave trade in my own country, never flourished to such an extent as at the present moment; and we cannot hope to lessen it while it continues to be so lucrative, arising from the consumption of slave-grown cotton in this country. I cannot but regret whenever attempts are made to call away the minds of persons met for the discussion of this great subject. (Cheers.) When the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society cannot stand on its own merits, then let it fall. (Hear, hear.) I need not refer to the thousands of << colored>> people who have been driven to a premature grave, by the impetus which Great Britain still gives to slavery. The system which we wish to see destroyed rolls on unheeded by recreant Americans, and, for having spoken the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, I have been stigmatized as a traitor to my country. Sooner than approve of the system of slavery in the United States, if I must take the alternative of being the oppressed slave or the oppressor, give me the condition of the former. - (Loud cheers.) Give me the chance, if I may so express it, of being the poor slave rather than the oppressor, when they shall meet at the bar of God, and there shall be no question of bank or anti-bank, tariff or anti-tariff. I trust that the day is not far distant, when, in my own beloved country, as well as yours, mankind shall be considered great only as they are good. (Cheers.) At the present day, in the United States, men, women, and children are enslaved for the complexion they wear. If a man there has one drop of African blood in his veins, it not only dooms him to be an outlaw, but exposes him to seizure as a slave. But, if the growth of cotton in the East Indies be taken up as it ought by the British public, slavery will become the great question of the day in America, and it will soon be terminated. (Cheers.) Liberty has a name in my country, but in practice it is completely dead. (Cheers.) I hope the meeting will bear with me while I read one or two extracts confirmatory of the remarks I have made. I will refer to a source which has had a powerful action on a great and influential part of the District of Columbia. If a << colored>> man goes to Columbia to attend the funeral of the deceased relative, he is liable to be seized, bound and detained till he proves his freedom. (Hear, hear.) He must prove it while immured within the bolts and bars of a dungeon, otherwise he is sold as a slave. (Hear, hear.) There are two young men being flogged as slaves, whose father receives a pension for his services in the << revolutionary war>> . (Hear, hear.) The extract to which I refer is taken from the Natchez Free Trader, which, in copying an account of the great meeting in Manchester, England, with reference to the growth of cotton in India, says:

"It may be remembered that when Capt. Baylis, of the British East India forces, came to this city, in the early part of last summer, for the purpose of getting men acquainted with the process of raising cotton to accompany him to India, the Free Trader was the first journal to expose and denounce his plan, as a dangerous scheme to undermine the prosperity of the American planters, and ruin the sale of their great staple. In no measured terms of rebuke, the Free Trader denounced both those wealthy and influential planters in Adams county who lent themselves to aid Capt. Baylis in his designs, and those nine young men from the States of Mississippi and Louisiana, who sold themselves to the ancient and inveterate enemy of their native land; but, at that time, the acting editor of that journal knew not the whole enormity of that insidious scheme. Little, perhaps, thought those young planters and overseers, when they consented to go to India, that they were to be used as tools in the unholy hands of the abolitionists! (Hear, hear!)

"Of the startling fact that the East India cotton growing project is but a powerful organization designed to overthrow the system of domestic slavery in the American States, we have now the most ample evidence. This evidence we hasten to present to our readers; it is vitally important to the south, and merits all the deep attention which it will surely receive. . . .

"The attitude of the south in sustaining the patriarchal institutions of slavery at this moment is full of interest. England is arraying its vast moral, commercial and political power against us. The ocean queen is about to work her thirty millions of white slaves and serfs in the jungles and on the plains of India, for the express purpose of rendering the labor of three millions of black slaves in America unproductive and of no value. This will be done. There is no vacillation or weakness of purpose in the English character. (Cheers.) All India will, in a year or two, teem like a vast beehive with the cotton enterprize, cheered on by the fratricide abolitionists and mock philanthropists of the northern States. Meanwhile, O'Connell, the Irish agitator, is invoked to agitate his countrymen against slavery on this side of the water, while, both in Ireland and England, his roaring voice is perpetually lifted up in abuse of the noble-hearted, the independent, and the fearless southern planters, as well as the American character at large. The ... against the American Presbyterians, because they will not excommunicate slaveholding church members. The Wesleyans and the Quakers are perpetually using clerical influence against the rights and peace of our social institutions. The royal consort of the Queen of England is not ashamed to preside over the opening of a meeting, vauntingly called the "World's Convention," the chief business of which was to abuse American institutions - where Birney, once a slaveholder, and the negro Remond, side by side on the same platform with the highest bishops of the Church of England, and with O'Connell, lifted up their voices, traitors as they are, against their own native land; all joining in full cry against a domestic institution which has come down unbroken from the 'world's gray fathers,' the holy patriarchs, with whom angels walked and talked." (Laughter, and very loud cheers.)

I have only to add, that, if speaking before so large an audience as this on behalf of freedom, constitutes a traitor, I am proud of the appellation. (Cheers.) I expect to return to my native country soon, and I have said nothing here which I shall not say there, and which I have not already said there again and again. (Loud cheers.) I have been in danger of my life on more occasions than one, and before slavery is abolished, it is probable that I shall again. I believe that there will be more martyrs to the cause of emancipation than one. Let slavery in America be abolished, and it will then be a happy country, and England will receive the thanks of the << colored>> man for the efforts she has made. (Loud cheers.)

THE BLACK MEN IN THE REVOLUTION, AND
THE WAR OF 1812.

We copy the following from the Delaware County American of August 6th, 1862.

Of the services and sufferings of the << colored>> soldiers of the Revolution, no attempt has, to our knowledge, been made to preserve a record. They have had no historian. With here and there an exception, they have all passed away, and only some faint tradition of their campaigns under Washington, and Greene, and Lafayette, and of their cruisings under Decatur and Barry, lingers among their descendants. Yet enough is known to show that the free << colored>> men of the United States bore their full proportion of the sacrifices and trials of the << Revolutionary War>> .
The late Gov. Eustis of Mass., the pride and boast of the Democracy of the East, himself an active participant in the war, and therefore a most competent witness; Gov. Morill of N.H., Judge Hemphill of Pa., and other members of Congress, in the debate on the question of admitting Missouri as a slave State into the Union, bore emphatic testimony to the efficiency and heroism of the black troops. Hon. Calvin Goddard of Conn., states that in a little circle of his residence, he was instrumental in securing, under the act of 1818, the pensions of nineteen << colored>> soldiers. "I cannot," he says, "refrain from mentioning one aged black man, Primus Babcock, who proudly presented to me an honorable discharge from service during the war dated at the close of it, wholly in the hand writing of George Washington; nor can I forget the expression of his feelings when informed, after his discharge had been sent to the War Department, that it could not be returned. At his request it was written for, as he seemed inclined to spurn the pension and reclaim the discharge." There is a touching anecdote related of Baron Steuben, on the occasion of the disbandment of the American army. A black soldier, with his wounds unhealed, utterly destitute, stood on the wharf just as a vessel bound for his distant home was getting under way.
The poor fellow gazed at the vessel with tears in his eyes, and gave himself up to despair. The warm-hearted foreigner witnessed his emotion, and inquiring into the cause of it, took his last dollar from his purse and gave it to him, with tears of sympathy trickling down his cheeks. Overwhelmed with gratitude, the poor wounded soldier hailed the sloop and was received on board. As it moved out from the wharf, he cried back to his noble friend on shore, "God Almighty bless you Master Baron!"
"In Rhode Island," says Gov. Eustis, in his able speech against slavery in Missouri, 12th of Twelfth Month, 1820, "the blacks formed an entire regiment, and they discharged their duty with zeal and fidelity. The gallant defence of Red Bank, in which the black regiment bore a part, is among the proofs of their valor." In this contest it will be recollected that four hundred men met and repulsed, after a terrible and sanguinary struggle, fifteen hundred Hessian troops, headed by Count Donop. The glory of the defence of Red Bank, which has been pronounced one of the most heroic actions of the war, belongs in reality to black men; yet who now hears them spoken of in connection with it? Among the traits which distinguished the black regiment was devotion to their officers. In the attack made upon the America lines near Croton River, on the 13th of the fifth Month, 1781, Col. Greene, the commander of the regiment, was cut down and mortally wounded; but the sabres of the enemy only reached him through the bodies of his faithful guard of blacks, who hovered over him to protect him, every one of whom was killed. The late Dr. Harris of Dunbarton, New Hampshire, a Revolutionary veteran, stated in a speech at Francestown, New Hampshire, some years ago, that on one occasion the regiment to which he was attached was commanded to defend an important position, which the enemy thrice assailed, and from which they were as often repulsed. "There was," said the venerable speaker, "a regiment of blacks in the same situation - a regiment of negroes fighting for our liberty and independence, not a white man among them but the officers - in the same dangerous and responsible position. Had they been unfaithful, or given way before the enemy, all would have been lost. Three times in succession were they attacked with most desperate fury by well disciplined and veteran troops, and three times did they successfully repel the assault, and thus preserve an army. They fought thus through the war. They were brave and hardy troops."
In the debate in the New York Convention of 1821 for amending the constitution of the State, on the question of extending the right of suffrage to the black, Dr. Clarke, the delegate from Delaware County, and other members, made honorable mention of the services of the << colored>> troops of the Revolutionary army.
The late James Forten of Philadelphia, well known as a << colored>> man of wealth, intelligence, and philanthropy, enlisted in the American Navy under Capt. Decatur, of the Royal Louis; was taken prisoner during the second cruise, and, with nineteen other << colored>> men, confined on board the horrible Jersey prison ship. All the vessels in the American service at that period were partly manned by blacks. The old citizens of Philadelphia to this day remember that fact that when the troops of the North marched through the city, one or more << colored>> companies were attached to nearly all the regiments.
Gov. Eustis, in the speech above quoted, states that the free << colored>> soldiers entered the ranks with the whites. The time of those who were slaves was purchased of their masters, and they were induced to enter the service in consequence of a law of Congress, by which, on condition of their serving in the ranks during the war, they were made freemen. This hope of liberty inspired them with courage to oppose their breasts to the Hessian bayonet at Red Banks, and enabled them to endure with fortitude the cold and famine of Valley Forge. - The anecdote of the slave of Gen. Sullivan of New Hampshire is well known. When his master told him that they were on the point of starting for the army to fight for liberty, he shrewdly suggested that it would be a great satisfaction to know that he was indeed going to fight for his liberty. Struck with the reasonableness and justice of his suggestion, General S. at once gave him his freedom.
The late Tristram Burges of Rhode island, in a speech in Congress, Firth month, 1828, said, "At the commencement of the << Revolutionary War>> , Rhode Island had a number of slaves. A regiment of them were enlisted in the Continental service, and no braver men met the enemy in battle; but not one of them was permitted to be a soldier until he had first been made a freemen."
The celebrated Charles Pinckney of South Carolina, in his speech on the Missouri question, and in defence of the slave representatives of the South, made the following admissions:
They (the << colored>> people,) were in numerous instances the pioneers, and in all, the laborers of our armies. To their hands was owing the greatest part of the fortifications raised for the protection of the country. Fort Moultrie gave, at an early period of the inexperienced and untried valor of our citizens, immortality to the American arms; and in the Northern States, numerous bodies of them were enrolled, and fought side by side with the whites at the battles of the Revolution.
Let us now look forward thirty or forty years, to the last war of Great Britain, and see whether the whites enjoyed a monopoly of patriotism at that time.
Martindale of New York in Congress, 22d of First Month, 1828, said, "Slaves, or negroes who had been slaves, were enlisted as soldiers in the war of the Revolution; and I myself saw a battalion of them, as fine martial-looking men as I ever saw, attached to the Northern army in the last war on its march from Plattsburg to Sackett's Harbor."
The Hon. Charles Miner of Pennsylvania, in Congress, Second Month, 7th, 1828, said, "The African race made excellent soldiers. Large numbers of them were with Perry, and helped to gain the brilliant victory of Lake Erie. A whole battalion of them were distinguished for their orderly appearance."
Dr. Clarke, in the convention which revised the Constitution, of New York, in 1821, speaking of the << colored>> inhabitants of the State, said -
"In the late war they contributed largely toward some of your most splendid victories. On Lakes Erie and Champlain, where your fleets triumphed over a far superior number and engines of death, they were manned in a large proportion with men of color. And in this very house, on the Fall of 1814, a bill passed, receiving the approbation of all the branches of your Government, authorizing the Governor to accept the services of a corps of two thousand free people of color. Sir these were times which tried men's souls. In these times it was no sporting matter to bear arms.
These were times when a man who shouldered his musket did not know that he bared his bosom to receive a death wound from the enemy ere he laid it aside; and in these times these people were found as ready and as willing to volunteer in your service as any other. They were not compelled to go: they were not drafted. No! your pride had placed them beyond your compulsory power. But there was no necessity for its exercise; they were volunteers; yes, Sir, volunteers to defend that very country from the inroads and ravages of a ruthless and vindictive foe which had treated them with insult, degradation and slavery."
On the capture of Washington by the British forces, it was judged expedient to fortify, without delay, the principal towns and cities exposed to similar attacks. The Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia waited upon three of the principal << colored>> citizens, viz., James Forten, Bishop Allen, and Absalom Jones, soliciting the aid of the people of color in erecting suitable defences for the city. - Accordingly, 2,000 << colored>> men assembled in the State House Yard, and from thence marched to Gray's Ferry, where they labored for two days almost without intermission. Their labors were so faithful and efficient that a vote of thanks was tendered them by the Committee. A battalion of << colored>> troops was at the same time organized in the city under an officer of the United States Army, and they were on the point of marching to the frontier when peace was proclaimed.
Gen. Jackson's proclamations to the free << colored>> inhabitants of Louisiana are well known. In his first inviting them to take up arms, he said: "As sons of Freedom, you now called upon to defend our most inestimable blessings; as Americans your country looks with confidence to her adopted children for a valorous support; as fathers, husbands, and brothers, you are summoned to rally round the standard of the Eagle, to defend all which is dear in existence."
The second proclamation is one of the highest compliments ever paid by a military chief to his soldiers:

"TO THE PEOPLE OF COLOR.

"Soldiers! When on the banks of the Mobile I called you to take up arms, inviting you to partake the perils and glory of your white fellow-citizens, I expected much from you; for I was not ignorant that you possess qualities most formidable to an invading enemy. I knew with what fortitude you can endure hunger and thirst and all the fatigues of a campaign. I knew well how you loved your native country, and that you, as well as ourselves, had to defend what man holds most dear - his parents, wife, children and property. You have done more than I expected. In addition to the previous qualities I before knew you to possess, I found among you a noble enthusiasm which leads to the performance of great things.
"Soldiers! The President of the United States shall hear how praiseworthy was your conduct in the hour of danger, and the representatives of the American people will give you the praise your exploits entitle you to. Your General anticipates them in applauding your noble ardor."
It will thus be seen that whatever honor belongs to "the heroes of the Revolution" and the volunteers in "the second war for Independence," is to be divided between the white and the << colored>> man.
"What right, I demand," said an American orator some years ago, "have the children of Africa to a homestead in the white man's country?" The answer will, in part, be found in the facts which we have presented. Their right, like that of their white fellow-citizens, dates back to the dread arbitrament of battle. Their bones whiten every stricken field of the Revolution; their feet tracked with blood the snows of Jersey; their toil built up every fortification south of the Potomac; they shared the famine and nakedness of Valley Forge, and the pestilential horrors of the Jersey prison-ship. Have they, then, no claim to an equal participation in the blessings which have grown out of the national independence for which they fought? Is it just, is it magnanimous, is it safe, even, to starve the patriotism of such a people, to cast their hearts out of the treasury of the republic, and to convert them, by political disfranchisement and social apprehension, into enemies?
Whittier's Works.

The Scheme of Colonization - Interview between the President and a Committee of << Colored>> Men - Remarks of the President.
WASHINGTON, August 14th. - This afternoon the President of the United States gave audience to a committee of << colored>> men at the White House. They were introduced by the Rev. J. Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigration.
E.M. Thomas, the chairman of the delegation, remarked that they were there by invitation to hear what the Executive had to say to them.
Having all been seated, the President, after a few preliminary observations, informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by Congress, and placed at his discretion, for the purpose of aiding the colonization in some country of the people, or a portion of hem, of African descent - thereby making it his duty, as it had for a long time been his inclination, to favor that cause.
"And why," he asked, "should the people of your race be colonized anywhere? Why should they leave this country? This is, perhaps, the first question for consideration."
"You and we are different races. We have between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other two races. Whether it is right or wrong, I need not discuss; but this physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think your race suffer very greatly, many of them, by living among us, while ours suffer from your presence. In a word, we suffer from each other.
"If this is admitted, it affords a reason, at least why we should be separated. You here are freemen, I suppose. (A voice - yes, sir!) Perhaps you have long been free, or all your lives. Your race are suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on any people; but even when you cease to be slaves, you are yet far removed from being placed on an equality with the white race. You are cut off from many of the advantages which the other race enjoy. The aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best, when free, but on this broad continent not a single man of your race is made the equal of a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best, and the ban is still upon you.
"I do not propose to discuss this, but present it as a fact which we have to deal with. I cannot alter it is I could. It is a fact about which we all think and feel alike, you and I. We look to our condition, owing to the existence of the two races on this continent. I need not recount to you the effects upon white men growing out of the institution of slavery. I believe in its general evil effects on the white race. See our present condition! - the country engaged in war - our white men cutting each other's throats, none knowing how far it will extend - and then consider what we know to be the truth. But for your race among us there could not be war. Although many men engaged on either side do not care for you one way or the other, nevertheless, I repeat, without the institution of slavery and the << colored>> race as a basis, this war could not have an existence. It is better for us both, therefore, to be separated."
I know that there are free men among you who, even if they could better their condition, are not as much inclined to go out of the country as those who, being slaves, could obtain their freedom on this condition. I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way of colonization is, the free << colored>> man cannot see that his comfort would be advanced by it. You may believe you can live in Washington or elsewhere in the United States, the remainder of your life, perhaps more so than you can in any foreign country, and hence you may come to the conclusion, that you have nothing to do with the idea of going to a foreign country. This is, I speak in no unkind sense an extremely selfish view of the case. But you ought to do something to help those who are not so fortunate as yourselves.
There is an unwillingness on the part of our people, harsh as it may be for your free << colored>> people to remain with us. Now, if you could give a start to the white people, you would open a wide door for many to be made free. If we deal with those who are not free at the beginning, and whose intellects are clouded by slavery, we have very poor material to start with. If intelligent << colored>> men, such as I have before me, would move in this manner, much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important we have men at the beginning, capable of thinking as white men, and not those who have been systematically oppressed.
There is much to encourage you. For the sake of your race you should sacrifice something of your present comfort, for the purpose of being as grand in that respect as the white people. It is a cheering thought throughout life something can be done to meliorate the condition of those who have been subject to the hard usage of the world. It is difficult to make a man miserable while he feels he is worthy of himself, and claims kindred to the great God who made him. In the American << revolutionary war>> sacrifices were made by men engaged in it. But they were cheered by the future. General Washington himself endured greater physical hardships than if he had remained a British subject. Yet he was a happy man, because he was engaged in benefiting his race - something for the children of his neighbors, having none of his own.
The colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time. In a certain sense, it is a success. The old President of Liberia (Roberts) has just been with me the first time I ever saw him. He says they have within the bounds of that colony between three and four hundred thousand people; or more than in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island or Delaware, or in some of our newer States, and less than in some of the larger ones. They are not all American colonies, nor their descendants. Something less than twelve thousand have been sent hither from this country. Many of the original settlers have died! Yet, like people elsewhere, their offspring outnumber their deceased. The question is, if the << colored>> people are persuaded to go anywhere, why not there? One reason for an unwillingness to do so is, that some of you would rather remain within reach of the country of your nativity. I do not know how much attachment you may have toward your race. It does not strike me that you have the greatest reason to love them. But still you are attached to them. At all events, the place I am thinking about having for a colony is Central America. It is nearer to us than Liberia and within seven days' run by steamers. Unlike Liberia, it is on a great line of travel; it is a highway. The country is a very excellent one for any people, and with great national resources and advantages, and especially because of the similarity of the climate with your native land; thus being suited to your physical condition. The particular place I have in view is to be a great highway from the Atlantic or Caribbean Sea to the Pacific ocean, and this particular place has all the advantages for a colony. On both sides there are harbors, among the finest in the world. Again, there is evidence of very rich coal mines. A certain amount of coal is valuable in any country, and there may be more than enough for the wants of the country. Why I attach so much importance to coal is, it will afford an opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate employment till they get ready to settle permanently in their homes. If you take colonists where there is no good landing, there is a bad show, and so where here is nothing to cultivate and of which to make a farm. But if something is started, so that you can get your daily bread as soon as you reach there, it is a great advantage. Coal land is the best thing I know of with which to commence an enterprise.
To return: you have been talked to on this subject, and told that a speculation has been intended by gentlemen who have an interest in the country, including the coal mines. We have been mistaken all our lives, if we do not know that whites as well as blacks look to their self-interests, unless among those deficient in intellect. Everybody you trade with, makes something. You meet with these things here and elsewhere. If such persons have what will be made of advantage to them, the question is, whether it cannot be made of advantage to you. You are intelligent and know that such [ ] does not so much depend on external help as on self-reliance. I shall, if I get a sufficient number of you engaged, have provisions made that you shall not be wronged. If you engage in the enterprise, I will spend some of the money intrusted to me. I am not sure you will succeed. The Government may lose the money, but we cannot succeed unless we try. But we think, with care we can succeed. The political affairs of Central America are not in quite as satisfactory condition as I wish. There are contending factions in that quarter, but it is true all factions are agreed alike on the subject of colonization, and want it, and are more generous than we are here. To your << colored>> race they have no objections. Besides, I would endeavour to have you made equals, and have the best assurance you should have the equals of the best. The practical thing I want to ascertain is whether I can get a number of able-bodied men with their wives and children, who are willing to go when I present evidences of encouragement and protection. Could I get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children, "to cut their own fodder," so to speak? Can I have fifty? If I could find twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of women and children - good things in the family relation - I think I could make a successful commencement. I want you to let me know whether this can be done or not. This is the practical part of my wish to see you.
These are subjects of very great importance - worthy of a month's study of a speech delivered in an hour. I ask you, then, to consider seriously, not pertaining to yourselves, not merely for your race and ours for the present-time, but as one of the things if successfully managed, for the good of mankind, not confined to the present generation, but as

"From age to age descends the lay,
To millions yet to be,
Till far its echoes roll away
Into eternity."

The chairman of the delegation briefly replied that they would hold a consultation, and in a short time give an answer.
The President said, "Take your full time - no hurry at all."
The delegation then withdrew.

The Life, Experience and Gospel Labors of Rev. Richard Allen.
-----
BY RICHARD ALLEN.

This was a trial that I never had to pass through before. I was confident that the great head of the church would support us. My dear Lord was with us. We went out with our subscription paper, and met with great success. We had no reason to complain of the liberality of the citizens. The first day the Rev. Absalam Jones and myself went out we collected three hundred and sixty dollars. This was the greatest day's collection that we met with. We appointed a committee to look out for a lot - the Rev. Absalam Jones, William Gray, William Wilcher, and myself. We pitched upon a lot at the corner of Lombard and Sixth streets. They authorized me to go and agree for it. I did accordingly. The lot belonged to Mr. Mark Wilcox. We entered into articles of agreement for the lot. Afterwards the committee found a lot in Fifth street, in a more commodious part of the city, which we bought; and the first lot they threw upon my hands, and wished me to give it up. I told them they had authorized me to agree for the lot, and they were all well satisfied with the agreement I had made, and I thought it was hard that they should throw it upon my hands. I told them I would sooner keep it myself than to forfeit the agreement I had made. And so I did.
We bore much persecution from many of the Methodist connexion; but we have reason to be thankful to Almighty God, who was our deliverer. The day was appointed to go and dig the cellar. I arose early in the morning and addressed the throne of grace, praying that the Lord would bless our endeavors. Having by this time two or three teams of my own - as I was the first proposer of the African church, I put the first spade in the ground to dig a cellar for the same. This was the first African church or meeting house that was erected in the United States of America. We intended it for the African preaching house or church; but finding that the elder stationed in this city was such an opposer to our proceedings of erecting a place of worship, though the principal part of the directors of this church belonged to the Methodist connexion, the elder stationed here would neither preach for us, nor have anything to do with us. We then held an election, to know what religious denomination we should unite with. At the election it was determined - there were two in favor of the Methodist, the Rev. Absalom Jones and myself, and a large majority in favor of the Church of England. The majority carried. Notwithstanding we had been so violently persecuted by the elder, we were in favor of being attached to the Methodist connexion; for I was confident that there was no religious sect or denomination would suit the capacity of the << colored>> people as well as the Methodist; for the plain and simple gospel suits best for any people, for the unlearned, can understand, and the learned are sure to understand, and the learned are sure to understand; and the reason the Methodist is so successful in the awakening and conversion of the << colored>> people, the plain doctrine and having a good discipline. But in many cases the preachers would act to please their own fancy, without discipline, till some of them became such tyrants, and more especially, to the << colored>> people. They would turn them out of society, giving them no trials, for the smallest offence, perhaps hearsay. They would frequently, in the class, impeach some of the members of whom they had heard an ill report, and turn them out, saying, “I have heard thus and thus of you, and you are no more a member of society” - without witnesses on either side. This has been frequently done, notwithstanding in the first rise and progress in Delaware State, and elsewhere, the << colored>> people were their greatest support; for there were but few of us free; but the slaves would toil in their little patches many a night until midnight to raise their little truck and sell to get something to support them more than what their masters gave them, but we used often to divide our little support among the white preachers of the Gospel. This was once a quarter. It was in the time of the old << revolutionary war>> between great Briton and the United States. The Methodists were the first people that brought glad tidings to the << colored>> people. I feel thankful that ever I heard a Methodist preach. We are beholden to the Methodist, under God, for the light of the Gospel we enjoy; for all other denominations preached to high-flown that we were not able to comprehend their doctrine. Sure am I that reading sermons will never prove so beneficial to the << colored>> people as spiritual or extempore preaching. I am well convinced that the Methodist preach. We are beholden to the Methodist, under God, for the tight of the Gospel we enjoy; for all other denominations preached so high-flown that we were not able to comprehend their doctrine. Sure am I that reading sermons will never prove so beneficial to the << colored>> people as spiritual or extempore preaching. I am well convinced that the Methodist has proved beneficial to thousands and ten times thousands. It is to be awfully feared that the simplicity of the Gospel that was among them fifty years ago, and that they conform more to the world and the fashions thereof, they would fare very little better than the people of the world. The discipline is altered considerably from what it was. We would ask for the good old way, and desire to walk therein.
In 1793 a committee was appointed from the African Church to solicit me to be their minister, for there was no << colored>> preacher in Philadelphia but myself. I told them I could not accept of their offer, as I was a Methodist. I was indebted to the Methodists, under God, for what little religion I had; being convinced that they were the people of God, I informed them that I could not be anything but a Methodist, as I was born and awakened under them, and I could go no further with them, for I was a Methodist and would leave you in peace and love. I would do nothing to retard them in building a church as it was an extensive building, neither would I go out with a subscription paper until they were done going out with their subscription. I bought an old frame that had been formerly occupied as a blacksmith shop from Mr. Sims, and hauled it on the lot in Sixth near Lombard street, that had formerly been taken for the church of England. I employed carpenters to repair the old frame, and fit it for a place of worship. In July, 1794, Bishop Asbury being in town I solicited him to open the church* for us which he accepted. The Rev. John Dickins sung and prayed, and Bishop Asbury preached. The house was called Bethel agreeable to the prayer that was made. Mr. Dickens prayed that it might be a bethel** to the gathering in of thousands of souls. My dear Lord was with us, so that there was many hearty Amens echoed through the house. This house of worship has been favored with the awakening of many souls, and I trust they are in the kingdom both white and << colored>> . Our warfare and troubles now began afresh. Mr. C. proposed that we should make over the church to the conference. This we objected to, he asserted that we could not be Methodists unless we did, we told him he might deny us his name, but they could not deny us a place in Heaven. Finding that he could not prevail with us so to do, he observed that we had better be incorporated, then we could get any legacies that were left us, if not, we could not. We agreed to be incorporated, he offered to draw the incorporation himself, that it would save us the trouble of paying for to get it drawn. We cheerfully submitted to his proposed plan. He drew the incorporation, but incorporated our church under the Conference, our property was then all consigned to the Conference for the present Bishops, Elders, Ministers, &c., that belonged to the white Conference, and our property was gone. Being ignorant of incorporations we cheerfully agreed thereto; we labored about ten years under this incorporation, until J--- S--- was appointed to take the charge in Philadelphia, he soon waked us up by demanding the keys and books of the church, and forbid us holding any meetings except orders from him, these propositions we told him we could not agree to. He observed he was elder appointed to him, he would read us all out of meeting, we told him the house was ours, we bought it, and paid for it. He said he would let us know it was not ours, it belonged to the Conference, we took council on it; council informed us we had been taken in; according to the incorporation, it belonged to the white connexion. We asked him if it couldn't be altered, he told us if two thirds of the society agreed to have it altered, it could be altered. He gave me a transcript to lay before them. I called the society together and laid it before them. My dear Lord was with us. It was unanimously agreed to by male and female, we had another incorporation drawn that took the church from conference, and got it passed before the elder knew any thing about it.

-----
* This church will at present accommodate between 3 and 4000 persons.
** See Gen. chap. 28.

FOR THE << COLORED>> AMERICAN.

TRIP TO PHILADELPHIA.

On a beautiful morning, a few weeks since, it was my happiness to be one of a party, who had resolved to take up a line of march for the goodly city of Philadelphia. The journey was entirely void of anything like remarkable incident, for I would ask what steamer in sailing down our bay has ever encountered a low long black piratical looking schooner, armed with desperadoes, and after a short and sanguinary conflict been sent to the bottom with the mangled and dying? Or at what time has the train of rail cars in New Jersey, been lightened of its baggage, or its passengers of their cash or mayhem of their lives and limbs, by a formidable mustachioed banditti, in slashed jerkins and armed cap-a-pie with pistols, bludgeons and sabers? never I trow, and rarely if ever have the Delaware boats been obliged to scud under an incessant cannonading kept up between Burlington and Bristol, for the Burlingtonians and they of Bristol have long been in the enjoyment of profound peace, and so far from interchanging grape shot and cannon balls, seem to delight in nothing so much as in exchanging visits and the ordinary civilities of life. In fact, the incidents of travel through our land, are not calculated, (from their common place character,) to cause in their narration the warm blood to tingle through our veins, or our hearts to leap with ardor irresistible; no hair-breadth escapes, no brilliant exploits, mark the journeying of this peaceful age; no partially dilapidated and ruined castles exist to be explored, and to afford to the passing traveler a night of disturbed slumber; neither is there anything to perform in the line of releasing maltreated and imprisoned damsels; you have in fact but to be provided amply with ammunition in the shape of V's and X's on Mr. N.B. of U.S.B., to drive ahead with all the velocity that steam can carry you. It is true, we are ever more or less exposed to danger, at home, as well as abroad or in traveling. And a wise and inscrutable providence is often pleased to cut short the probationary period, of the existence of his erring creatures at a time, and in a manner they least expect. This shows us that if we would feel happy and secure on board the steamboat or in the rail car, in the country or in the town, if we would enjoy the delightful serenity of a beautiful summer's day, or look on with calm admiration at a time when the elements seem convulsed, when the thunder's angry roar, and the lightning's vivid flash carry conviction to the conscience of the cowardly, trembling septic that there is a God; if we would feel tranquil and composed in the greatest exigencies, and prepared to meet the worst at times of the greatest apparent peace and prosperity, we must carry a conscience void of offense towards God and man; then come weal, come wo, all is safe, for our anchor is cast within life vale.

But to cease digressing. The appearance of Philadelphia as approached in sailing down the Delaware, is not particularly interesting to one accustomed to view the city of New York at a little before sunset from the Jersey shore - there is something rather somber in the general appearance, but especially does this remark apply to the northern part, and the eye habituated to look for beauties, architectural, as well as natural, will not fail to notice the almost entire absence of those ornaments of a city, church steeples, there being but one (the spire of Christ church) visible from the river. Our attention was first directed to the "Philadelphia Market," so styled for excellence, and well may they exultantly speak of it, to measure markets by the mile, and such markets too, is entirely beyond the calculation of any but Philadelphians; here no unsavory smell salutes the nose, no sight unseemly doth offend the eye, but the inviting and cleanly appearance of the whole establishment, is calculated both to cheer the heart and create an appetite. In this truly incomparable market, every tub and basket is as clean as soap and water can make it - the very potatoes are all washed, ready apparently for the pot, and so are the turnips, and tomatoes, and cabbages, and every other item in the vegetable line. Peaches, melons, plums and other fruits in all their varieties are here displayed to an extent almost incalculable. It is in fact worth a jaunt from New York to Philadelphia to take a survey of this profuse exhibition of the bounties of providence - and surprisingly, it may seem, not a particle of animal or vegetable matter, in a state decomposition is to be seen on the whole premises; as one of the party remarked "a hungry wayfarer has but to spend his levee in such commodities as suit his palate and for a table use the market floor, (for it is quite clean enough,) to make a complete breakfast;" but if he is over fastidious, we would sooner recommend him to place himself under the care of my host of the Madison House, who would not fail in a month's time to give him a dyspepsia gratis.

Much of the morning after our arrival was spent in perambulating the streets, and comparing the relative merits and beauty of the place with our own city. The great uniformity, at once perceptible in the long continuous rows of plain brick buildings, tipped with marble, and the cleansed and purified condition of the streets and sidewalks, attained from the facilities afforded by a constant supply of water, fail not to agreeably impress the stranger; while the eye is ever and anon relieved by a jet-d'eau proceeding from some private hose and pipe, of sufficient force to flood the neighborhood; in this matter Philadelphia stands pre-eminent. Our first impressions of the place led us to suppose that there exists a greater uniformity as to the moral and physical condition of its inhabitants, than is ordinarily found in large cities; that squalid poverty and entire moral degradation so prevalent in many of the streets of this city, are not, to say the least, perceived at first sight in Philadelphia; but doubtless a more extensive acquaintance with its localities, would reveal much of a deplorable nature, and the late conflagration furnished ample evidence of the existence of a spirit, destructive and devilish.

Although Philadelphia contains, comparatively speaking, but few miserable uncomfortable looking tenements, still does it lack that grandeur of appearance peculiar to some sections of our own city, while a bird's eye view, it is true, discloses no such hideous dens, as the Five Points and its neighborhood contain, we found but very few such princely mansions as abound in many of our uptown places and streets. There is nothing certainly in Philadelphia, to compare with Waverly and La Fayette Places, some parts of Broadway, and 8th and 9th streets; yet in point of order, regularity and cleanliness, it possesses and justly deserves the palm. We of course went in the cupola of the state house and saw the bell which sounded the first note of joy after the << revolutionary war>> had ended, and how many despondent regrets, must fill the mind of the philanthropist, that the blessings of liberty and independence there achieved were not extended to the nation at large. By the politeness of the janitor we were shown the room in which the declaration of independence was signed, and contains some plain furniture, full length portraits of Penn and La Fayette, and a statue of Washington. While standing in this room we were naturally led to reflect upon the scene once here enacted, its solemnity, its important and never-ending consequences, and the illustrious body of men engaged in its performance; in imagination, the prompt and decided Hancock, the statesman like Jefferson, the mild and amiable Carroll, and the philosophic Franklin, were before us as each (with others equally partaking of the same noble enthusiasm) successively signed the instrument, which was either to seal the liberty of their country or their own doom on the scaffold, as common traitors. The event has shown that God approved the measure, and may every effort for the subversion of tyranny, domestic or foreign, and the firm establishment of human liberty, be equally successful.

A graveyard, or more properly a rural cemetery, in the southern part of the city, next attracted our attention. It is elegantly laid out, and decorated in the most tasteful and fanciful manner with plants and shrubbery of all descriptions; a whole morning might be spent here no less profitably than agreeably, in reading the various monumental inscriptions, in admiring the happy designs shown in the several different arrangements of the vines and evergreens around the tombs of the departed, and in learning lessons at every step of the brevity and uncertainty of human life; but our stay here was necessarily short, as our intention was to visit Laurel Hill cemetery, Fairmount and Girard College in the afternoon, and leave the city the following morning.

After dispatching our dinners, (and the Madison House man gives good dinners,) we left the city in a hired vehicle for a place first mentioned above, and well were we repaid for a rather uninteresting ride through the suburbs. This cemetery is most charmingly located on the banks of the Schuylkill, and one is never wearied in admiring the surrounding scenery. On alighting at the place, and casting the eye through the main entrance, the first object that presents itself to notice is a group of statuary, the purport of which, from the distance, we were at first unable to distinguish, a nearer approach however introduced us to the company of Old Mortality, who is represented as being on an old monument, in a reclining posture, and has for the moment left his pious occupation (that of clearing away the rubbish and brining to light the inscription,) and seems directing his discourse to Sir Walter Scott, who, with a countenance in which deep interest and keen scrutiny predominate, stands leaning against a neighboring monument in the attitude of listening. Nor is the pony of Old Mortality wanting to complete the group, but there he stands, quietly grazing, just such a looking beast as the immortalizer of himself and master, originally depicted. They are all hewn from brown stone, and seem in admirable keeping with the rest of the establishment; to my own mind, indeed, there appeared peculiar appropriateness in placing these noble pieces of sculpture, in this cemetery, for Old Mortality, although existing but in the brain of the prince of fiction writers, would seem to figure forth, that, at some future day, when this beautiful cemetery shall have shared the common fate of all things this side of eternity, and when the crumbling and time-worn monuments, shall speak of naught but decay and desolation, some other "Old Mortality" whose grandsire is yet unborn will on this very spot spend hours in endeavoring to decipher the almost effaced account of those who lived and died. And who can gaze on that statue of the "Author of Waverly," who, that has in his youth been spellbound by the fascinating productions of the "Wizard of the North," and as the many well defined, and never-to-be-forgotten characters, and scenes of his works pass in quick review before him, can behold without deep interest a facsimile of the author of them all. He is beheld, with interest, and never until the judgment reveals it, will it be known on how many minds, he has by his writings stamped an indelible (and it is to be feared) evil character for time and eternity. Melancholy and peculiar are the feelings with which he will ever be regarded by the Christian, and deeply to be deplored is it, that a giant mind like his should have spent its energies, rather for the injuring than the well-being of his fellow creatures. But this object of the world's admiration has gone to render before a higher power, a dread account of the five talents committed to his care, and it is not for fellow worms to decide whether they were misapplied or not.

Laurel Hill, on which repose many of the peaceful dead, is a beautifully shaded grove, gradually descending to the river, commanding a fine prospect of distant land scenery; and the romantic Schuylkill, which washes its base, is visible for miles up and down. From a tower erected on the ground, the view is Elysian-like; such a blending of light and shade, precipitous hill and valley, is rarely to be seen; and through the deep green foliage, a view of the peaceful murmuring stream gives additional interest to the enraptured scene. Many are the mournful tales which the tasteful and costly monuments whisper in the ear of the passing traveler. - Our sensibilities abodes of the dead, to notice, that affection had prompted the sorrowing relatives in many cases to keep cherishing the memory of their friends by adorning their graves from time to time, with choice plants and evergreens; some of the snow-white monuments were almost screened from view, by the great profusion of sweet smelling flowers, and grapevines and a little unostentatious grave, of one apparently from six to eight years of age, was entirely covered from heat to foot, with flourishing little sprigs of green myrtle. In one extremity of the cemetery is a tomb hewn out of a rock, it is on a considerable inclination of the hill, and is approached by a flight of rude stone steps; we went in it and sang an appropriate sacred verse, for the whole scene was eminently calculated to remind us of the garden and tomb of Joseph of Arimathea, and his affectionate solicitude for the decent entombment of the body of our Lord.

Mention by the way should be made of the channel house and chapel, which are yet in an unfinished state, and when completed, cannot fail to add to the attractions of Laurel Hill Cemetery, but time would fail to tell of all the beauties, natural and artificial, of this grave of the dead, and what this description lacks, the reader must fill up by drawing on his own imagination, and he will scarce draw too vivid a picture.

On leaving, we crossed the Schuylkill, and enjoyed an enchanting ride along its banks, and then recrossed and arrived at Fairmount Water Works over which Philadelphians crow exceedingly, and well may they, for it is, in truth, a stupendous work, and where to commence drawing a sketch, puzzles me not a little. Great accuracy, I of course cannot pretend to, as I had little expectation, at the time of our visit, of committing any of my random recollections to paper. I can merely remember, that on a beautiful curve of the Schuylkill, a vast reservoir of water, some sixty feet in height, of an acre or more in extent, and surrounded by an embankment of earth, partly natural, and partly artificial, was first pointed out as Fairmount, that on approaching and casting our eyes around us, we found here at our feet, a large and magnificent marble fountain casting upward its cool and refreshing waters; at a little distance, just at the base of the mount, another; and on a projecting cliff half way or so up the hill, stands Black Hawk, or a stone or wooden counterfeit of him, whose province it is, to keep eternally fountaining up water, for the gratification of the sight-loving. The summit of the mount is attained by several flights of steps, and from here the view is particularly fine. Overlooking some length of the Schuylkill, the fountains which are playing beneath you, and Philadelphia in the distance, the desire arises spontaneously in the mind to linger on the spot and enjoy the lovely scene; a mild zephyr too, which played upon the surface of the water in the vast reservoir, causing a gentle ripple, gave it more the appearance of a natural lake, (could it have been divested of its sharp corners,) than of a specimen of the ingenuity and cunning of man; we each felt that for this spot nature and art had done much, and a strong unwillingness crept upon us to leave so much that was fascinating, but the declining sun, which was now fast approaching the horizon admonished us, that this day's race was nearly run, and that however imposing and enchanting are many of the things of earth; yet are they fleeting and evanescent, and if not before the time when the earth and the seas shall give up their dead, and the elements shall melt with fervent heat; then, at least, will they, as well as this "great glove itself which we inhabit, dissolve, and like the baseless fabric of a vision, leave not a wreck behind."

A sharp drive brought us quickly to Girard College, which is eventually to consist of five separate detached buildings; at present, however, but three rear themselves aloft, as standing monuments of the donor's magnificence. The main building is an elegant specimen of architecture, and it must be confessed, does rather take precedence of anything we have here, but the lateness of the hour forbade us to think of taking a deliberate survey of the building, from measuring the immense marble columns which adorn its front, or in any other way, from entering into a minute examination, of its beauty and symmetry, but from the hasty glance with which we were obliged to content ourselves, the impression was strong on our minds, that it had never been our lot to behold a building of such grandeur and magnificence, as Girard College.

After tea, we paid a short visit to the fountains in the Washington park, and wound up the evening in listening to some choice selections of music from one of Philadelphia's fairest daughters.

The next day 2 o'clock, saw us quietly plodding our way through the dirty streets of our own city; resolving to pay another visit to Philadelphia, as soon as Mr. Mercury & co. commence their famous Balloon Line, at which time the reader may expect a bill of particulars.

G.J.A.

Rev. Mr. Williams, to the Citizens of New-York:

It has always been painful to me to appear before the public. It is especially painful to me to appear before them in the columns of a newspaper, at a time of great public excitement like the present; but when I received Holy orders, I promised' reverently to obey my Bishop, to follow with a glad mind his godly admonitions, and to submit myself to his godly judgment.'

My Bishop, without giving his opinions on the subject of Abolition, has now advised me, in order that the Church under my care 'may be found on the Christian side of meekness, order, and self-sacrifice to the common good and the peace of the community, to resign my connexion with the Anti-Slavery Society, and to make public my resignation'. There has been no instance hitherto, in which I have not sought his advice in matters of importance to the Church, and endeavored to follow it when given; and I have no wish that the present should be an exception.

But in doing this. I hope I shall not be considered as thrusting myself too much upon public attention, by adverting to some facts in relation to myself and the subject of the present excitement, in the hope that when they are calmly considered, a generous public will not censure me for the course I have pursued.

My father was born in Beekman street in this city, and was never in all his life, further from it than Albany, nor have I ever been absent from it longer than three months. when I went to Hayti, for the benefit of my brethren who had migrated there from this country. In the << revolutionary war>> , my father was a decided advocate of American Independence, and his life was repeatedly jeopardized in its cause. Permit me to relate one instance 'which shows that neither the Brush sword, nor British gold, could make him a traitor to his country. He was living in the State of Jersey, and parson Chapman, a champion of American liberty, of great influence throughout that part of the country, was sought after by the British troops. My father immediately mounted a horse and rode round among his parishioners, to notify them of his danger, and to call them to help in removing him and his goods to a place of safety&#151 He then carried him to private place. and as he was returning, a British officer rode up to him, and demanded in the most peremptory manner,' where is 'I cannot tell,' was the reply. On that he drew his sword, and raising it over his head, said. 'tell me where he is, or I will instantly cut you down.' Again he replied. 'I cannot tell.' Finding threats useless, the officer put up his sword, and drew out a purse of gold, saying, 'if you will tell me where he is. I will give you this.' The reply still was, 'I cannot tell. The officer cursed him and rode off.

This attachment to the country of his birth was strengthened and confirmed by the circumstance that the very day on which the British evacuated this city, was the day on which he obtained his freedom by purchase, through the help of some republican friends of the Methodist Church, who loaned him money for that purpose, and to the last year of his life, he always spoke of that day as one which gave double joy to his heart by freeing him from domestic bondage and his native city from foreign enemies.

The hearing him talk of these and similar matters when I was a child, filed my soul with an ardent love for the American government, and made me feel, as I said in my first public discourse, that it was my greatest glory to be an American.

A lively and growing interest for the prosperity of my country pervaded my whole soul, and led to the belief, notwithstanding the peculiarly unhappy condition of my brethren in the United States, that by striving to become intelligent, useful, and virtuous members of the community, the time would come when they would all have abundant reason to rejoice in the glorious Declaration of American Independence.

Reared with these feelings, though fond of retirement. I felt a burning desire to be useful to my brethren and my country, and when the last war between this country and Great Britain broke out, I felt happy to render the humble the services of my pen, my tongue, and my hands, towards rearing fortifications to defend our shotes against invasion. I interested may brethern to help in the defence of the country and went with them to the work; and no sacrifice have been considered too great by me, for the benefit of it the them.

These were among the feelings that led me into the ministry, and induced me to sacrifice all my worldly prospectus to have upon the scanty pittance which a << colored>> minister must expect to receive for his labors, and to endure the numerous severe trials peculiar to his situational.

My trends who assisted me in entering into the ministry, know that if the Church with which I am connected could have been established without my becoming its minister. I should have been this day enjoying the sweets of private life; and there has not been a day since I have entered upon the duties of my office, that I would not have cheerfully retired to earn my living an some humbler occupation could I have done so consistently with my sense of duty.

By the transactions of last Friday evening, my church is now closed, and I have been compelled to leave my people. Whether I shall be permitted to return to them again. I cannot say; by whether or not, I have the satisfaction of feeling that I have labored earnestly and sincerely for their temporal and spiritual benefit and the promotion of the public good.

In regard to my opposition to the Colonization Society it has extended no farther than that Society has held out the idea that a << colored>> man, however he may strive to make himself intelligent, virtuous and useful, can never enjoy the privileges of a citizen of the United States, but must ever remain a degraded and oppressed being. I could not, and do not believe that the principles of the Declaration of independence, and of the Gospel of Christ, have not power sufficient to raise him, at some future day, to that rank. I believe that such doctrines tend very much to discourage the efforts which are making for his improvement at home. But whenever any man of color, after having carefully considered the subject, has thought it best to emigrate to Africa. I have not opposed him; but have felt it my duty to aid him, all in my power, on his way, and I have the satisfaction of being able to prove that the most prominent and most useful men in the Colony have been helped there by me. I helped John B. Russwurm to go to Liberia and as a token of gratitude for my aid in the case, he sent me his thermometer, which I have new hanging up in my house. I helped James M Thompson, whom all speak of as a most excellent man, and good scholar, to go there. He was a member of my church; and when he went there, I gave him letters of recommendation, and procured a number of books to enable him to introduce the Episcopal service; and I have lately offered to contribute my mite towards establishing the Episcopal Church there. I was the first person who advised John R. Daily (Russwurm's partner) to go and establish himself in Liberia as a merchant. When Washington Davis was sent to this city by Gov. Ashmunn, to study medicine, as a physician of the Colony, I received him in my house, and boarded him a week, without charging the Society for it, though they offered to bear the expense.

When I found that strong prejudices were forming against me because of my disapprobation of some of the Society's measures, and that my usefulness was thereby affected, I ceased to speak on the subject, except in the private circle of my friends, or when my opinions were asked privately by others; and in my short address to the Phoenix Society, last spring, I carefully avoided the subject; and the only sentence I uttered, referring to it, was this: 'Who, that witnesses an assembly like this, composed of persons of all colors, can doubt that people of all colors can live in the same country, without doing each other harm?'

It was my anxiety to promote the object of the Phoenix Society, which is the improvement of the people of color in this city, in morals, literature and the mechanic arts, that brought me to an acquaintance with the members of the Anti-Slavery Society. For several years I had given considerable attention to the education of our people, and was much interested about our public schools. I was anxious that some of our youth should have the opportunity of acquiring a liberal education and felt that it was my duty to strive to rear up some well qualified << colored>> ministers. I selected two lads of great promise, and made every possible effort to get them a collegiate education. But the Colleges were all closed against them. Anti-Slavery men generously offered to aid us in establishing a Manual Labor College, or High School, for ourselves, and to aid us in all the objects of the Phoenix Society. I joined with them in this work heartily, and wished them all success, as I still do, in their endeavors by all means sanctioned by law, humanity and religion, to obtain freedom for my brethren, and to elevate them to the enjoyment of equal rights with the other citizens of the community; but I insisted that while they were laboring to restore us to our rights, it was exclusively our duty to labor to qualify our people for the enjoyment of those rights.

Hence, when the Anti-Slavery Convention was held in Philadelphia, though strongly solicited, I refused to attend, and though I was then appointed a member of the Board of Managers, I never met with that Board but for a few moments at the close of their session, and then without uttering a word. I was also appointed at the anniversary, in May, a member of the Executive Committee. But when asked if I could serve, I replied that I could not attend to it, and have never attended but on one occasion, when I went for the sole purpose of advising the Board to be careful not to take any measures that would have a tendency to encourage in our people a spirit of vanity, and I urged this advice by saying that by so doing, our people, and the cause of emancipation, would both be injured. This opinion I have on all proper occasions expressed, and have endeavored to enforce by example: for in all the Anti-Slavery meetings held in the Chapel, I have always taken my seat in the gallery, excepting that on the day of the Anniversary I left it to speak to one of the committee in the orchestra, or stage, and did not return. My brethren have rebuked me for this course, but I have not censured them for theirs. They did as they thought best, and I did as I thought best; but I have learned that it is a most difficult matter to avoid extremes on subjects of great public excitement, without being more censured than those who go to all lengths with either party.

Having given this simple and faithful statement of facts, I now, in conformity to the advice of my Bishop, publicly resign my station as a member of the Board of Managers of the Anti-Slavery Society, and of its Executive Committee, without, however, passing any opinion respecting the principles on which that Society is founded.

I should have offered my resignation long before this, had I not thought that there might be occasions when, by having the privilege of addressing the Board; I might exercise a restraining influence upon measures calculated to advance our people faster than they were prepared to be advanced and the public feeling would bear. But I am not disposed to blame the members of the Anti-Slavery Society for their measures. I consider them as good men and good christians, and lovers of their country, and of all mankind. I thought they had not an opportunity of knowing my brethren, nor the state of public prejudice against them as well as myself; and all I supposed that I could do was to aid them in this particular.

I hope that both they and the public generally will judge charitably of this hastily drawn communication. PETER WILLIAMS,

Rector of St. Philip's Church, Centre-st. New-York, July 14, 1834.

MY DEAR FRIEND:-Indeed my only friend whose own distress have permitted them to mingle their cordials of consolation in my bitter cup of affliction. How shall I thank you for your many sympathies-worthy of a physician, and (what is above all) worthy of a Christian.
The severest dispensation of providence is now past with me, and blessed be God who has enabled me to sustain it. That dispensation which shall lay me by the side of my dear departed inestimable treasure in this life, will be but little felt, as I trust the mercies of my God and Savior, it will call me to share with her, her treasure in another and better life, where, as you so well express it, according to the sacred oracles, Death and the grave, and hell itself shall be “swallowed up in victory;” the genuine friendships of this life shall be revived, and love and life and light and truth reign for ever and ever.
But, Oh! my dear friend! Busy recollections and memory asleep and awake, and the many tender charities and offices due to my bereaved family and children, who nearly adored the heavenly woman I have lost; the sight of the numerous remembrances of her in the lonesome house; the letters and written charges which she has left me, with the delivery of her keys to me by the faithful little black girl after her funeral. Judge my dear sir, nay feel, for your feelings are tenderly alive, how these circumstances thrill my nerves, which were never strong, and keeps my heart and limbs and whole body in such a palpitation and trembling that I fear the consequences. The scene of her funeral and some preceding circumstances can never depart from my mind. On my return, with my wife, from a visit to our daughter, whom we had been striving to console on the death of Mrs. Kepple, who was long familiar and dear to both of us, my dear young wife passing the gates of Christ Church Burying ground, which stood daily open, led me through it to the graves of the two children, and calling the old grave digger, marked out a spot for herself an close as possible to her children and the grave of Doctor Philip Pond, whose memory she adored. By the side of her spot we found room and chose also mine, as it was not permitted during the sickness to open a grave once closed for the burial of another; we therefore directed the grave digger that this should be the order of our interment, and pledged ourselves to cash other that this order should be observed by the survivor. But let me not be tedious to you. It gives me some ease, as my children are all absent, and cannot come near me in town, to pour these circumstances into the bosom of a friend. In melancholy mood we returned to our house. Night approached. I hoped my dear wife had gone to rest, as she had chosen since her return from nursing her daughter through the fever to sleep in a chamber by herself through fear o' infection to her grandchild and me. But it seems she closed not her eyes, sitting with them fixed through her chamber window, in Mrs. Koppel's house, (who had died that day,) until about midnight, she saw her hearse and followed it with tearful eyes as far as it would be seen. Two days afterwards, Mrs. Rogers, her next and only surviving intimate friend, was carried past her window, and by no persuasion could we draw her from thence, nor stop her sympathetic foreboding tears, so long as her eyes could fellow the funeral, which was down Arch street, two squares from Fourth street, to Second street, where turning the corner to the Baptist Church-the hearse disappeared. She threw herself on her bed and requested me who had stood by her side during the time of the funeral procession, to leave her to her own reflections for a few minutes, and she would soon be with me in my study, where I was writing letters to my friends and family on business to the westward. She took her pen and assisted me in copying of them. It was Saturday; and we had persuaded our daughter to set out for Norristown next day. My wife, though she informed me on Saturday evening, that she was indisposed, and I was persuaded was sure of the nature of her case, yet she charged me not to inform her daughter, and sent me to hasten her out-of-town on Sunday morning, with an apology that she could not see her before she sat out, finding it necessary to take a little physic for a slight in disposition, and that if she would send the carriage back in two or three days, we hoped to follow her to Norristown. While I was getting my daughter ready and seeing her a few miles out-of-town, which was not until 2:00, on Sunday, my dear wife with her own hand, her last hand to you, had written a note which you must have in your possession, the contents of which, or her apprehension expressed in it. I can only guess. You know the rest. And my situation through the week following the Sunday evening at 6:00, when in much agony by a sudden and unexpected turn, after I had fondly written to all my distant family, and to my dear brother that I believed her out of danger, she breathed her last, composed and patient, her countenance appearing to brighten as her pangs and groans ceased into the countenance of an angel.
Decently as the time would permit, my mournful family assisted only by a worthy and pious black, RICHARD ALLEN, she was laid in her coffin. I approach with my dear grandchild in my arms, as near as the black man would allow, to take my last view. Silent, but more awful and intrusive then all the funeral pomp's in the world, and short the distant we had to go, I followed her, accompanied only by the coffin maker, and by RICHARD ALLEN, and -----.
Dr. Thomas D. Mitchell in his reminiscences, speaks of this congregation as follows Richard Allen had learned early in life the shoemaker's trade, and for many years he carried on business on the south side of Spruce street near to Green's court. He had several journeymen and apprentices constantly in his employ. At one period he had, made money. It is said, as a master (chimney) sweeper, in which business however, he was hardly known to the mass of people, being a sort of sleeping partner. He owned and managed at the same time a small farm in the Neck below the city and accumulated a considerable amount of property by these various occupations. He was a very good looking, fat, sleek, << colored>> gentleman, and knew how to behave himself anywhere. His mind was not of a high order however and hardly up to mediocrity ever Unfortunately. Education had not lent her helping hand in his behalf. Yet be had a business tact and managing capacity that few of his color ever exhibit, and hence his unbounded influence over the people of his denomination. Making all proper allowance for eccentricity and want of wisdom I think on the whole Richard Allen was a useful man and did much to alleviate his kindred according to the flesh. He was eminently a humane man, and was ready to sympathize with suffering humanity of any color. In common with Absaiom Jones, he rendered invaluable service in the citizens during the prevalence of the yellow fever in 1710 and I rejoice that history has awarded something like justice to the disinterested benevolence of these faithful and true servants of the people. Had the press been silent the good sense of the people was not extinguished, and could not be Hence the kind feelings ever evinced towards these << colored>> men, and the sympathy displayed when the rabble venturest to obtrude upon the sacredness of their devotions, my own weeping and faithful black boy, to the spot she had chosen about 8 o'clock in the evening to deposit all that was mortal.
Severe was the task that it remained for me, yesterday, to write to my daughter and other children, and to good Mrs. Cadwalader, who loved her aunt as her own parent. When these letters were finished, and an express dispatch to my son, William, to take possible prudent measures to support his sister in her affliction. My messenger having taken his course up the street, and my anxious dutiful son having entered and other, came to my door while I was visiting the grave to see if it had been properly covered in the night. My black boy met my son at the door of my house, and was obliged to answer his inquiry concerning his mother, that she was no more. I soon came from the ground and saw my dear son leaning against the wall, for he would not enter the house, nor amidst the distressing scene could we exchange a word, but my desire, and his ready obedience to fly to his sister and overtake the messenger, which he did at 8 miles distant from town. I have heard no more, and I dread to hear from a daughter who loved and knew the value of such a mother. But much remains for me yet-my son Charles and his wife, my brother and his wife, my son Richard at Huntingdon, in whose bosoms she was equally precious to us all. I can find no conveyance, and hard will be my task to write if my spirits and health can be supported so long.
For that reason only, and a few more family matters not yet arranged, especially codicil which my dear wife's death makes necessary to my will, if it will please God I would pray for a few days continuance of health. Then as to worldly matters I shall be prepared, and through the goodness of God I trust I am preparing, though we can never never be fully prepared (except in his mercy) in our spiritual matters.
If god continues me longer my worldly concerns will be in a small compass. His goodness having given me time to distribute a sufficient inheritance to my children, acquired, I trust, honestly and industriously with our injury to any man, and I hope and believe from the goodness of all my children, in whom I consider myself blest, they will us it accordingly. For the rest of my days few, and they cannot be many, I would willingly devote them to discharge some public engagements by assorting and leaving to the world some sermon and other writing but if they cannot have my last hand, my executors in my proposed codicil to which I must hasten must suppress all, except what I have already published and avowed.
My friend, Mrs. Cadwalader, and Mrs. Bond, press me with your advise to take calomel and jalup, &c. (I know nothing of preventatives) and then to move out of town, but I wish not to remove to a distance from you for some days yet, nor until you advise. I trust you will soon be so restored that you may have a personal interview. If moving for a few days to my daughters will change the scene a little, perhaps it may be of use.
Thus my good friend I have poured into your bosom, confidentially, what may be of use to my family, for to none of them have I had leisure, nor would it be yet proper to say so much. The name and memory of my dear wife I must commit to your friendly hand, who knew her virtues so well, to say to the public what may be necessary; but of this nothing yet, as I would not have her name announced among the dead, until I find means first to notify my distant family. Alas! How shall I live without her? I never had a joy, which became a joy to me until she shared it. I never had a sorrow, which she did not alleviate and participate. I never did an action, which I would consider as truly good, until she confirmed my opinion.
For my many fallings and infirmities she had a friendly veil.
Her conversation was enlightened, and that with her correspondence by letter during my many absences, have been my joy for 35 years and more. My tears now stop my hand, and will relieve you from reading more.
From your obliged and affectionate

WM. SMITE.

Excuse inaccuracies, omissions of words, &c., for I cannot read over or correct what has flowed from my heart and pen.
PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 22nd, 1793.

TO DR. RUSH.

Allen was born in Philadelphia, February 14, 1760, a slave to Benjamin Chew. While yet young his father, mother and their children, including Richard, were sold as slaves to one Stokley, a resident in the lower counties, now the State of Delaware, near Dover. Richard Allen was brought to manhood there, and, when about twenty years of age, came under religious concern. He joined a Methodist society, and met with a class at a house situate near his master's residence. Mr. Stokley was a kind man and necessity compelled him to sell the mother of Richard and three of her children. He retained three, among whom was Richard. In time the latter by industry, saved money and bought his freedom. He then went into the world to earn his own living. He cut wood, was a brickyard laborer, and engaged in other occupations, during the << Revolutionary War>> , including that of teamster. He continued during this time to pray and preach with << colored>> people whenever he had an opportunity. After the treaty of peace with England he traveled and preached in Delaware and New Jersey, being also engaged in earning his living by daily hard work. He afterwards went into Pennsylvania, preached at Radnor, Lancaster and York, then went to Maryland and became associated with Methodist preachers, with whom he labored. For a time he lived in Baltimore, where he preached to a << colored>> congregation. He afterwards traveled again in Maryland and Pennsylvania, came to Philadelphia in February 1786, and preached for the first time, at five o'clock in the morning, at St. George's. He remained in the city for some time, and preached in Southward and the Northern Liberties. He preached usually twice a day, at five AM, and five PM, and sometimes four and five times a day. After the << colored>> people established the African Society some of the Methodists opposed their forming an independent church. In his journal Richard Allen says that the Methodist ministers opposed their plan.

(To be continued.)

SERMON BY BISHOP CAMPBELL.

"THE WAR AND ITS ISSUES."

Such was the theme of Bishop Campbell's lecture in Zion Church, on Thursday evening, for the benefit of the Powell street African M.E. Church. There was an audience of perhaps 200 persons, about a score of whom were white people.

The Bishop said it was a great and noble theme, in which every patriotic heart in the land was deeply interested. Justice demanded that the subject should be in abler hands than his; but having been dragooned into the service, he would do the best he could, without attempting to exhaust the subject, for he was no lecturer - that was not his business. In the hands of such lecturers as Dr. Cheever, Wendell Phillips and Frederick Douglas, his audience might hear the truth and the whole truth concerning the war. He would to God that he could do half as well; but he had not been able to prepare himself as thoroughly as he could desire, and yet he would endeavor to present a few thoughts which would pass current, though they might not be new.
War as carried on between nations is an evil, and only evil continually. But civil war, between State and State, was a horrible idea, and fraught with all the unequalled evils of which the mind could conceive. The Peloponnesian war lasted 27 years, seven times as long as the present war in this country has existed. The history of the decline and fall of the Roman empire was a fearful picture. He would not have the friends of monarchical governments think that civil wars were peculiar to republics. They sometimes appear under monarchies in as fearful and disastrous a form as under republics.
The Bishop said that he had been pleased with an editorial which he had recently read in one of the daily papers; he did not remember which, but perhaps it was the Bulletin. He then proceeded to read an extract from the article, which was to the effect that civil wars grew out of a long-continued peace, in which the country had become corrupt, and acted as a natural purifier, just like the storm which succeeds a calm sultry spell of weather, etc. So it is, he said, with the life of a nation, and our experience has added truth to the remark. Who believed, ten years ago, that this country would be where it is today, in the midst of terrible bloodshed? No one knew it, no one saw it, if we may perhaps except Captain John Brown, freedom's martyr. (Applause.) But here it is, and we are in the midst of it. Nearly four years ago, treason fired upon Sumter, and the deep-toned thunder of that cannon's roar reverberated throughout the entire country, and awoke a nation from its peaceful slumber to the fearful realities of war. The flag of our country trailed in the dust by rebel hands, was more than patriotic hands could endure. Army after army has gone forth, and the work of death has been going on without abatement until the present time.
The Bishop then inquired into the causes of the war. He referred to the pro-slavery acts of Congress as one cause; to the disappointed hopes of the black man in the << Revolutionary War>> as another cause. To keep the British from enticing them into their service, we promised them their freedom on the termination of the war, but failed to keep the promise. And in the prosperity which peace brought to the country the chains of the slave were riveted afresh. The increased importance of the cotton crops, the expansion of the country, all had added to the rigors and strength of slavery. The slaveholding party dictated the policy of the Government from the adoption of the Constitution down to the election of Lincoln, when that party was defeated, and the record of half a century of pro-slavery acts was brought to a sudden and abrupt conclusion. When these acts of Congress ceased, the anti-slavery acts were introduced.
Reference was then made to the three-fifth rule of 1792; to the law passed the same year for the rendition of fugitives; to the 6th article of the ordinance of 1781 in regard to the extensions of slavery, etc. At the time of the passage of these acts, the friends of freedom were not awake. They did not suppose that efforts were being made to strengthen the bands of slavery. It was one of the complaints of the colonies against England that she encouraged the African slave trade. Slavery was forced upon this country contrary to its wishes; and the negroes were encouraged to fight against England by the promise of their liberty. But after the declaration of peace, the devilish slave-mongers went to work again - secretly, of course. They got ambiguous provisions inserted in the Constitution; they blinded the eyes of the fathers of the Constitution by their agreeable manners. Our revolutionary sires did not believe in slavery. George Washington, the father of his country, did not believe the institution ought to exist. (Applause.) The South then begged that slavery might exist, and now they are fighting for its existence. But it will die; it will be buried, and he trusted in God that he should live to attend its funeral. (Loud applause.) In 1820 slavery wanted more room - it requires a great deal of room in which to live - and the Missouri Compromise was passed. A compromise between slavery and freedom is a libel upon God and humanity - (Applause.) - and can never succeed to the advantage of the compromisers. (Applause.)
The Nullification Act of J.C. Calhoun, whom Jackson regretted, on his dying bed, that he did not hang as high as Haman, and the Fugitive Bill of abominations "signed by that unholy demagogue, Millard Fillmore," were then referred to in no measured terms of condemnation. God was displeased with this nation for these things. Her cup of iniquity was full and running over, and the righteous judgment of the Almighty followed. The North began to feel that she was yoked with slavery, and that the time for reaction had commenced. They had begun to see that Slavery was degrading to free white labor, and that it must be got rid of, or it would overflood the free and expanding territories of the country. The agitation of the subject resulted in the triumph of the Republican party in 1860, and placed Abraham Lincoln, the immortal, the true and the faithful, in the Presidential chair. The South saw - and well she might see - that in Mr. Lincoln's election she had been rebuked for her audacity. (Applause.) She saw that her power was gone, never to return. What did she do? She did not hesitate as to what to do. She withdrew from the Union, for which she had been preparing for thirty years, unknowingly to the true friends of the North. She made haste under the rebel Buchanan to run away from the Union. Under him she could call her State Conventions, pass her ordinances of secession, and form her Southern Confederacy, without his even saying, "Oh! don't do so." Under him she could steal her millions from the Treasury of the Union to fight against it; under him she could take arms and ammunition from the North to some island not yet discovered and array herself against those from whom she stole; under him she could arrange a plot for the murder of Mr. Lincoln as he passed through Baltimore to the White House. But she didn't do it. (Applause.) She gloriously failed, and this failure was only the precursor of her subsequent ones. (Applause.) The rebellion was originated to overthrow the Government; and the North did not seem to realize it until after many men had been slain. In fact, the North and South did not know each other. The South thought it was only necessary for them to begin the war to enlist a strong sympathy in the North for them. They felt that they had a strong claim on the Democratic party. In this they have signally failed. Patriotic Democrats told them that they could only help them while they remained in the Union, and to-day they are bearing arms with all the true sons of the revolutionary fathers. They told their southern brethren that although they had been defeated at the election, they could not go against the Union. As for party differences, they would talk about them after the war. But for the present they wanted to have peace, and they must have peace, if they had to fight for it. (Applause.) The South did not expect such treatment. The North, also, had been greatly disappointed in the military strength of the South. They thought they were all gentlemen down there, and that they would not and could not fight - that it was only a breakfast job to go down there and whip them into obedience. The South told us that this was easier said than done, and our experience during the past three years has demonstrated the truth of their remark. And now, if we make them behave themselves better in three years, we shall do well.
At first we tried to put down the rebellion without touching slavery, but God would not consent to the arrangement. His decree had gone forth, that slavery must be abolished or the country destroyed. If the nation does not now get rid of slavery, it will get rid of itself, for God will destroy it. The soldiers were careful at first to state that they did not go to war to fight for the freedom of the slave, but for the Union; now the issue is distinctly between freedom and slavery, and the soldiers now gloried in fighting for the abolition of slavery. The progress of the war, has developed the need and practicability of employing << colored>> troops. The objection to them has been done away, and now they are pressed into the service, and are paid the same as the white soldiers; and they fight as well, too. In the beginning, << colored>> men were not regarded as citizens; now Attorney General Bates has declared that they are citizens, and what is better yet, the people say, that's right. This was a glorious revolution - a heavenly revolution. (Applause.) We ought to sing, "Praise God, from whom all blessings flow," etc.
A few years ago the pulpit was silent on the subject of slavery, and the press regarded the institution as a necessary evil. But now we have got rid of that kind of religion, which was full of saving souls, but cared nothing for the bodies of men. Even Mr. Lincoln has changed his mind in reference to the perpetuation of slavery, and now says it shall be abolished.
The Bishop then alluded to the anti-slavery acts of the Thirty-seventh and Thirty-eighth sessions of Congress. These have been great gains for the negro during the last four years. Hayti and Liberia have been acknowledged and Ministers received from them. He was afraid that the effort Georgia was now making to get back into the Union was that it might thereby save the "institution" in that State. It would not be so if our old friend Ben. Butler was at Savannah. (Applause.) He trusted it would not be so now.
Another feature of the progress was the fact that << colored>> people were now allowed to testify in the Courts, and, in Washington and Alexandria, to ride in the street cars. He believed they had been allowed that privilege here by Judge Pratt's decision. He told them how he got on a car in Washington before << colored>> people had been allowed by law to ride in the cars of that city, and the discussion he heard going on between the conductor and driver touching the bill then in Congress to allow << colored>> people to ride in the street cars, and that if it ever passed there would be a rebellion in Washington. Only think of it! A rebellion to be inaugurated by drivers and conductors of street cars! (Applause.) The law passed, but who ever heard of the threatened rebellion?
He also told his hearers of the advantages which the black man had in travelling in the vicinity of the war. A few years ago, if a black man in Washington wanted to visit Baltimore, it was necessary to get a pass from a white man, or from a man who called himself white. Now the tables were turned. He had travelled from Washington to Baltimore, and from Baltimore to Philadelphia without a pass. He had seen those who were once the black man's masters attempt the same thing and fail. (Applause.)
He told his brethren that while they should rejoice in the advantages they had gained, they should hold to them, and seek for more, until all the objections against their color were removed. The black man, as a barrel, had been rolled to the bottom of a hill. They could not be kicked any lower, and now they were being rolled up the hill. Revolutions never go backwards. We should elevate ourselves, now that the obstacles to our elevation are being removed. Five Slave States have already been made free, each of which have entered upon a new and glorious career. We should appreciate these things. There is a future before us which will be very much modified, for weal or for woe, by our own conduct. Let us act worthy of our new and growing privileges.

THE BLACK MEN OF THE REVOLUTION AND WAR OF 1812.
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The return of the Festival of our National Independence has called our attention to a matter which has been very carefully kept out of sight by orators and toast-drinkers. We allude to the participation of << colored>> men in the great struggle for Freedom. It is not in accordance with our taste or our principles to eulogize the shedders of blood, even in a cause of acknowledged justice; but when we see a whole nation doing honor to the memories of one class of its defenders, to the total neglect of another class, who had the misfortune to be of darker complexion, we cannot forego the satisfaction of inviting notice to certain historical facts, which for the last half century have been quietly elbowed aside, as no more deserving of a place in patriotic recollection, than the descendants of the men to whom the facts in question relate have to a place in a Fourth of July procession.

Of the services and sufferings of the << colored>> soldiers of the Revolution, no attempt has, to our knowledge, been made to preserve a record. They have had no historian. With here and there an exception, they have all passed away, and only some faint tradition of their campaigns under Washington, and Greene, and Lafayette, and of their cruisings under Decatur and Barry, lingers among their descendants. Yet enough is known to show that the free << colored>> men of the United States bore their full proportion of the sacrifices and trials of the << Revolutionary war>> .

The late Governor Eustis, of Massachusetts, the pride and boast of the Democracy of the East - himself an active participant in the war, and therefore a most competent witness - Governor Morrill, of New Hampshire, Judge Hemphill, of Pennsylvania, and other members of Congress, in the debate on the question of admitting Missouri as a slave state into the Union, bore emphatic testimony to the efficiency and heroism of the black troops. Hon. Calvin Goddard, of Connecticut, states that, in the little circle of his residence, he was instrumental in securing, under the act of 1818, the pensions of nineteen << colored>> soldiers. "I cannot," he says, "refrain from mentioning one aged black man, Primus Babcock, who proudly presented to me an honorable discharge from service during the war, dated at the close of it, wholly in the handwriting of George Washington. Nor can I forget the expression of his feelings when informed, after his discharge had been sent to the War Department, that it could not be returned. At his request it was written for, as he seemed inclined to spurn the pension and reclaim the discharge." There is a touching anecdote related of Baron Steuben on the occasion of the disbandment of the American army. A black soldier, with his wounds unhealed, utterly destitute, stood on the wharf just as a vessel bound for his distant home was getting under weigh [sic]. The poor fellow gazed at the vessel with tears in his eyes, and gave himself up to despair. The warm-hearted foreigner witnessed his emotion, and, inquiring into the cause of it, took his last dollar from his purse, and gave it to him, with tears of sympathy trickling down his cheeks. Overwhelmed with gratitude, the poor wounded soldier hailed the sloop, and was received on board. As it moved out from the wharf, he cried back to his noble friend on shore, "God Almighty bless you, master Baron."

"In Rhode Island," says Governor Eustis, in his able speech against slavery in Missouri, 12th of 12th month, 1820, "the blacks formed an entire regiment, and they discharged their duty with zeal and fidelity. The gallant defence of Red Bank, in which the black regiment bore a part, is among the proofs of their valor." In this contest, it will be recollected that four hundred men met and repulsed, after a terrible and sanguinary struggle, fifteen hundred Hessian troops, headed by Count Donop. The glory of the defence of Red Bank, which has been pronounced one of the most heroic actions of the war, belongs in reality to black men; ye who now hears them spoken of in connection with it? Among the traits which distinguished the black regiment, was devotion to their officers. In the attack made upon the American lines near Croton river, on the 13th of 5th month, 1781, Colonel Greene, the commander of the regiment, was cut down and mortally wounded; but the sabres of the enemy only reached him through the bodies of his faithful guard of blacks, who hovered over him to protect him, every one of whom was killed. The late Rev. Dr. Harris, of Dunbarton, New Hampshire, a revolutionary veteran, stated, in a speech at Francestown, New Hampshire, some years ago, that on one occasion the regiment to which he was attached was commanded to defend an important position, which the enemy thrice assailed, and from which they were as often repulsed. "There was," said the venerable speaker, "a regiment of blacks in the same situation - a regiment of negroes fighting for our liberty and independence, not a white man among them but the officers - in the same dangerous and responsible position. Had they been unfaithful, or given way before the enemy, all would have been lost. Three times in succession were they attacked with most desperate fury by well-disciplined and veteran troops, and three times did they successfully repel the assault, and thus preserve an army. They fought thus through the war. They were brave and hardy troops."

In the debate in the New York Convention of 1821, for amending the Constitution of the State, on the question of extending the right of suffrage to the blacks, Dr. Clarke, the delegate from Delaware county, and other members, made honorable mention of the services of the << colored>> troops in the Revolutionary army.

The late James Forten, of Philadelphia, well known as a << colored>> man of wealth, intelligence, and philanthropy, enlisted in the American navy under Captain Decatur, of the Royal Louis, was taken prisoner during this second cruise, and, with nineteen other << colored>> men, confined on board the horrible Jersey prison ship. All the vessels in the American service at that period were partly manned by blacks. The old citizens of Philadelphia to this day remember the fact, that when the troops of the North marched through the city, one or more << colored>> companies were attached to nearly all the regiments.

Governor Eustis, in the speech before quoted, states that the free << colored>> soldiers entered the ranks with the whites. The time of those who were slaves was purchased of their masters, and they were induced to enter the service in consequence of a law of Congress by which, on condition of their serving in the ranks during the war, they were made freeman. This hope of Liberty inspired them with courage to oppose their breasts to the Hessian bayonet at Red Bank, and enabled them to endure with fortitude the cold and famine of Valley Forge. The anecdote of the slave of General Sullivan, of New Hampshire, is well known. When his master told him that they were on the point of starting for the army, to fight for Liberty, he shrewdly suggested that it would be a great satisfaction to know that he was indeed going to fight for his liberty. Struck with the reasonableness and justice of this suggestion, General S. at once gave him his freedom.

The Hon. Tristam Burges, of Rhode Island, in a speech in Congress, 1st month, 1828, said: "At the commencement of the << Revolutionary war>> , Rhode Island had a number of slaves. A regiment of them were enlisted into the Continental service, and no braver men met the enemy in battle; but not one of them was permitted to be a soldier until he had first been made a freeman."

The celebrated Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, in his speech on the Missouri question, and in defence of the slave representation of the South, made the following admissions:

"They (the << colored>> people) were in numerous instances the pioneers, and in all, the laborers of our armies. To their hands were owing the greatest part of the fortifications raised for the protection of the country. Fort Moultrie gave, at an early period of the inexperience and untried valor of our citizens, immorality to the American arms. And in the Northern States numerous bodies of them were enrolled, and fought side by side with the whites at the battles of the Revolution."

Let us know look forward thirty or forty years, to the last war with Great Britain, and see whether the whites enjoyed a monopoly of patriotism at that time.

Said Martindale, of New York, in Congress, 22d of 1st month, 1828: "Slaves, or negroes who had been slaves, were enlisted as soldiers in the war of the Revolution; and I myself saw a battalion of them, as fine martial looking men as I ever saw, attached to the Northern army in the last war, on its march from Plattsburg to Sackett's Harbor."
Hon. Charles Miner, of Pennsylvania, in Congress, 2d month 7th, 1828, said: "The African race make excellent soldiers. Large numbers of them were with Perry, and helped to gain the brilliant victory of Lake Erie. A whole battalion of them were distinguished for their orderly appearance."

Dr. Clarke, in the Convention which revised the Constitution of New York, in 1821, speaking of the << colored>> inhabitants of the State, said:

"In your late war, they contributed largely towards some of your most splendid victories. On Lakes Erie and Champlain, where your fleets triumphed over a foe superior in numbers and engines of death, they were manned in a large proportion with men of color. And in this very House, in the fall of 1814, a bill passed, receiving the approbation of all the branches of your Government authorizing the Governor to accept the services of a corps of 2,000 free people of color. Sir, these were times which tried men's souls. In these times it was no sporting matter to bear arms. These were times when a man who shouldered his musket did not know but he bared his bosom to receive a death wound from the enemy ere he laid it aside; and in these times, these people were found as ready and as willing to volunteer in your service as any other. They were not compelled to go; they were not drafted. No; your pride had placed them beyond your compulsory power. But there was no necessity for its exercise; they were volunteers; yes, sir, volunteers to defend that very country from the inroads and ravages of a ruthless and vindictive foe, which had treated them with insult, degradation, and slavery."

On the capture of Washington by the British forces, it was judged expedient to fortify, without delay, the principal towns and cities exposed to similar attacks. The Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia waited upon three of the principal << colored>> citizens, viz: James Forten, Bishop Allen, and Absalom Jones, soliciting the aid of the people of color in erecting suitable defences for the city. Accordingly, 2,500 << colored>> men assembled in the Statehouse yard, and from thence marched to Gray's ferry, where they labored for two days almost with intermission. Their labors were so faithful and efficient, that a vote of thanks was tendered them by the committee. A battalion of << colored>> troops was at the same time organized in the city, under an office of the United States army; and they were on the point of marching to the frontier, which peace was proclaimed.

General Jackson's proclamations to the free << colored>> inhabitants of Louisiana are well known. In his first, inviting them to take up arms, he said:

"As sons of freedom, you are now called on to defend our most inestimable blessings. As AMERICANS, your country looks with confidence to her adopted children for a valorous support. As fathers, husbands, and brothers, you are summoned to rally round the standard of the Eagle, to defend all which is dear in existence."

The second proclamation is one of the highest compliments ever paid by a military chief to his soldiers"

"TO THE FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR.

"SOLDIERS! When on the banks of the Mobile I called you to take up arms, inviting you to partake the perils and glory of your white fellow-citizens, I expected much from you; for I was not ignorant that you possessed qualities most formidable to an invading enemy. I knew well how you loved your native country, and that you, as well as ourselves, had to defend what man holds most dear - his parents, wife, children, and property. You have done more than I expected. In addition to the previous qualities I before knew you to possess, I found among you a noble enthusiasm which leads to the performance of great things.

"Soldiers! The President of the United States shall hear how praiseworthy was your conduct in the hour of danger, and the Representatives of the American people will give you the praise your exploits entitle you to. Your General anticipates them in applauding your noble ardor."

It will thus be seen, that whatever honor belongs to the "heroes of the Revolution," and the volunteers in "the second war for independence," is to be divided between the white and the << colored>> man. We have dwelt upon this subject at length, not because it accords with our principles or feelings, for it is scarcely necessary for us to say that we are one of those who hold that

"Peace hath her victories
No less renowned than war,"

and certainly far more desirable and useful, but because in popular estimation the patriotism which dares and does on the battlefield, takes a higher place than the quiet exercise of the duties of peaceful citizenship; and we are willing that << colored>> soldiers, with their descendants, should have the benefit, if possible, of a public sentiment which has so extravagantly loaded their white companions in arms. If pulpits must be desecrated by eulogies of the patriotism of bloodshed, we see no reason why black defenders of their country in the war for Liberty should not receive honorable mention, as well as white invaders of a neighboring Republic, who have volunteered in a war for Slavery. For the latter class of "heroes," we have very little respect. The patriotism of too many of them forcibly reminds us of Dr. Johsons's definition of that much-abused term: "Patriotism, sir! 'Tis the last refuge of a scoundrel."

"What right, I demand," said an orator of the Colonization Society some years ago, "have the children of Africa to a homestead in the white man's country?" The answer will in part be found in the facts which we have presented in this paper. Their right, like that of their white fellow-citizens, dates back to the dread arbitrament of battle. Their bones whiten every stricken field of the Revolution; their feet tracked with blood the snow of Jersey; their toil built up every fortification sought of the Potomac; they shared the famine and nakedness of valley Forge, and the pestilential horrors of the old Jersey prison ship. Have they, then, no claim to an equal participation in the blessings which have grown out of the national independence for which they fought? Is it just, is it magnanimous, is it safe even, to starve the patriotism of such a people - to cast their hearts out of the treasury of the Republic, and to convert them by political disfranchisement and social oppression, into enemies? J.G.W.

BISHOP ALLEN MONUMENT.

White has always been the predominating color of faces at the Exhibition, the other hues comprising nearly every constituent of the solar spectrum and all of their modifications. Yesterday the conspicuity of the hue commonly accepted as “<< colored>> ” was owing to the presence of many hundred citizens of African birth or descent, come to dedicate a monument to one of the most honored men of their race - Richard Allen, the first Bishop of the African Methodist Episcopal Church of the United States. This memorial enterprise originated at the conference of that church held in Helena, Arkansas, in November, 1875. It was then resolved to erect a monument to the distinguished divine, and the matter was entrusted to an executive committee, who, last spring, contracted with Mr. Alfred White, the sculptor, of Cincinnati, to execute the monument, for which Mr. White was to be paid $3,500. During its transportation westward the work, with the exception of the bust, which sat within an alcove of Italian marble, was ruined by an accident on the Lehigh Valley Railroad. It being then too late to have a permanent monument ready for dedication during the Centennial, it was resolved to secure a temporary one on the grounds, and to hold the unveiling ceremonial before the close of the exhibition. It is probable that the $3,500 held in fund will be devoted to the erection of a bronze statue, either on the site of the present monument or in front of the Wilberforce University, Towawa Springs, Green county, Ohio. The pedestal of the, temporary monument stands west of the Government Building. It is pyramidal nine feet high, and consists of rectangular blocks of granite. In raised letters on the face of the central block, is the “Richard Allen.” On the pedestal stands the bust, of Italian marble, three feet high, the same that escaped injury by the railroad accident. The dedicatory ceremonies began yesterday at 2 P.M., when several hundred << colored>> persons and others had assembled around the monument. Bishop Campbell, of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, of this city, called the meeting to order and announced Bishop Shorter, of Wilberforce University as the chairman. Prayer was opened by the Rev. A.T. Carr, of Charleston, S.C., and then the assemblage, led by Elder Derrick of Richmond, Va., sang the Humn, “Joy to the World, the Lord Has Come.” The chairman then, having expressed his regret that Mr. John M. Langston, ex-president of Howard University, Washington city, who, by request had offered an oration for the occasion on the life and times of Bishop Allen, could not be present, said that he had the pleasure of introducing Bishop John M. Brown, professor of ecclesiastical history in Howard University: Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen:
You will allow this apology from me. The remarks I am about to make are all impromptu, for up to this moment we all had been expecting my distinguished friend Prof. J.M. Langston of Washington, who I know had most thoroughly prepared himself to deliver a eulogy both befitting the man and the occasion. Since I have been upon the ground, I have learned that Prof. Langston told a gentleman on last Sabbath to meet him here today. A man as prompt as I have ever known him to be, must be detained by some unforeseen event. My friends use me as President and Treasurer of “The Allen Monument Association” of the Arkansas Conference to make some remarks. This I reluctantly do, because I had no time to arrange and digest the historic facts connected with so historic a character as Richard Allen. I will do the best I can.

THE OCCASION.

This day we propose to commemorate and perpetuate the memory of one of our proudest sons - a man pre-eminent for goodness, for usefulness and as a benefactor to humanity.

THE HISTORY OF THE MONUMENT.

Far off in the north western corner of Arkansas, at the Arkansas Conference held at Fort Smith, Oct. 1875, the Rev. A.J. Chambers, the very successful Agent of the Allen Monument Association presented a series of resolutions favoring the idea that the << colored>> people should be represented at the Centennial Exposition, and suggested that a monument be erected to the memory of Richard Allen. These resolutions were adopted and Rev. A.J. Chambers was elected Agent and Corresponding Secretary. Two dollars and fifty cents we collected at this meeting. Thus commenced the Allen Monument movement and amongst the poorest of our people.

THE MONUMENT SOON BECOMES NATIONAL.

Richard Allen having done so much for humanity - his efforts at doing good were so Christ-like that his work has become so full of interest, so good and true that the world looks upon him as they looked upon Luther, Wesley, Whitfield and others, dying but leaving their impress. The donors were of all classes and all colors and from every region of this union.

RICHARD ALLEN

was born on 4th street, Philadelphia, a slave. He obtained his freedom for a price. So prudent, so wise was he, that he commanded the respect and confidence of his owner and his neighbors. To illustrate this we need only refer to one instance. Once a preacher came in the neighborhood where he lived. He and others wished him to preach. Before going to make his request, he asked his owner to give him a note to the preacher, his owner said, word was sufficient. He called on the preacher and made his request but the preacher did ask for the note as he anticipated. The class leader, who happened be standing near by at the time the request was made, said the word of Richard Allen was sufficient and the preacher assented.
When he became free, he was still modest but firm. He traveled with Bishop Asbury and from him he learned the rudiments of Theology.
He was a benefactor. When the yellow fever and small pox were doing their deadly work in the city of Philadelphia, none was more active than be to relieve the distress of the populace. His wagons, carriages, and purse were open to the suffering and dying. The records of the city of Philadelphia, show that he was not an indifferent actor in this fearful calamity.
Thousands can testify to his benefactions. All classes speak well of him.

A LOVER OF EDUCATION.

He educated his children in such schools as were in existence at the time he lived. He urged his people to do the same and many who are respectable for their attainment in the city of Philadelphia today followed his advice or their parents did.

ALLEN AS AN ECONOMIST.

The economy of Richard Allen is apparent. He left a handsome property to his children and by his example many of this city are in comfortable circumstances.

A LOVER OF FREEDOM.

As remarked before he so chafed amid the fetters of the slave that he did not rest until free soul and body. Free himself, he did all he could to emancipate others. His advice to his bond brothers was salutary and wholesome.

OPPOSED TO INSURRECTION.

He loved freedom but was opposed to all insurrectionary movements as may be seen in his address to his people.

A MAN OF HONOR.

He was too honorable to do a mean thing. I have yet to hear one person say that Richard Allen was guilty of a dishonorable act. He was brave, bold and uncompromising in the right; but a coward when a questionable act was to be committed. He dared to do the right.

AS AN ORGANIZER.

This is evinced especially in his church organization. The beginning was small but the result was grand. Thousands have united in the organization which he commenced. The opposition was some but he proved himself invincible, firm and true.
No power could corrupt him - none could seduce him from his idea of right. Strong in his convictions. To his memory, his real monument is his church - his ministers and his bishops.

THE CHILDREN HONOR HIM!

Everywhere the children, who were unborn honor him. Children who have since his death been born honor him. Lieut. Gov. Antoine, Senator J. Henri Burch, Honorable Mr. Brown Supt. of Public Schools, and others of Louisiana honor him. No class of people in New Orleans came toward more liberally in their contributions than did the Congregationalists. They vied with the African Methodist in their liberality. Over in Texas, Arkansas, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, and wherever we told the people about Allen and his Monument have they come to our aid.

CONGRESS NOT BEHIND

The Nation honored him through Congress by contributing $3,000 to aid us. He is the first and only << colored>> man thus honored.

PREJUDICE NOT INVINCIBLE.

This may be seen from the fact - that Rev. Lemuel Haynes, once an eminent minister of Vermont - He preached to a white congregation. He was honored and beloved. Benjamin Bannaker of Ellicott city, of Maryland was and is honored. The Baltimore Literary has his scientific instruments, the clock and almanac, made by his own hands. The color of his face has made no difference. He was honored by Thos. Jefferson, the President of the U. States, who sent one of his almanacs, to a French astronomer for examination, whose approval he sought and it was freely given. He is said to have accompanied and aided the gentleman who laid out Washington city. Crispus Attucks, the brave hero of the war, whose blood was first spilt in the streets of Boston when the << Revolutionary war>> commenced.
Alex Dumas has by all nationalities been honored as our author. No one thinks of asking is he a << colored>> man? A Brazilian slave in the last century rescued a boat's crew in the harbor of Rio Janerio. In honor of the act, his portrait was afterward painted and hung in one of the principal buildings of Rio Janerio and other men of color have commanded the respect of all classes.
The mistake is in us - we demand this recognition. Patient [ ] the thing most needed. The cultured and good of all nationalities will award this recognition. No fear need be entertained. Success is what is most needed. We come today to do honor to a man who has succeeded - his labors attest it. Black as he was, he called forth the admiration of our race.
The movement we expect today is not the one we intended for him. An accident to the car bringing it from Cincinnati to this city, is the cause of our failure. This only foreshadows what we hope yet to do. The following letter from Al. Chambers will captain the cause of our failure and our intention to yet succeed.

MR. CHAMBERS' LETTER.

Mr. Chairman and Gentleman: On the 4th day of last Nov. 1 was commissioned at Pine Bluff; Ark., by the Arkansas Conference as an agent to collect funds for the Allen monument which was to be the peoples' contribution as a race to the great American Centennial Exhibition. I am gratified to state that in my travels through all of the Southern States the object of my mission was not only warmly approved, but liberally aided not by my own race alone, but by the white people of that section. Governor Garland of Arkansas, being the first to subscribe fifty dollars, Wm. S. Montgomery, of Miss., a << colored>> man stands head of the list in the amount given, by giving one hundred dollars. The monument you see today is not the one originally selected, for that one was unfortunately lost by the railroad in Lehigh Valley. This one will be incomplete until a bronze statue of Allen is placed upon the granite pedestal. With this I will close by saying you commissioned me to put the Allen monument. I have done it.”
The following lines were prepared by Mrs. F.E.W. Harper, to be read at the unveiling of “Allen Monument.”

For the Christian Recorder.

SOUTH CAROLINA CORRESPONDENCE.

The Treatment of << Colored>> Men acting in the capacity of Soldiers - Their Allegiance to the Government - The Call for << Colored>> Men for the << Revolutionary War>> - Jackson Calling for the << Colored>> Men in 1812, and his Promises to them - The Call for the << Colored>> Men in 1863 - The Difference between the Three Calls - The Act Passed by Congress in 1862 - How Men of African Descent should be received in the United States Service.

MR. EDITOR: - Allow me to write a few brief, yet humble, sentiments on this momentous question. Man, as an immortal being, is capable of being either raised to a state of blissful happiness, or of being reduced to ignorance and extreme degradation. I am a lover of both solitude and good society; therefore, I am both social and anti-social.
As a man and a soldier, I have put my shoulder to the altar of my country to elevate freedom and break asunder the clanking chains of slavery that have so long bound human beings to a life of subjection. With the thousands at my side, who are pressing to the end of existence, who have also pledged their lives and have obeyed the call of their country with affectionate solicitude, I say, we have obeyed the call of our country; yes, we have obeyed and gone to death, with such deadly weapons in our hands, in the imminent deadly breach, with such valor in our hearts, with such national colors overhead as characterize the soldiers of the United States. Now, the question arises: Are we United States soldiers? I cannot answer the question myself without using a proviso. The ties of justice and humanity say we are soldiers; but the treatment we receive and the supreme laws of the land say we are not soldiers. Governor Andrews, of Massachusetts, enlisted me as follows: three years, or sooner discharged, with the same pay, rations and medical and hospital attendance as other soldiers, forty-two dollars per annum for clothing, fifty dollars bounty from the commonwealth of Massachusetts when mustered in the service, one hundred dollars bounty from the General Government, when mustered out of the service, a land warrant of one hundred and sixty acres of land, and a pension from the General Government, and the same treatment, in every respect, as the white volunteers receive. When Governor Andrews presented the colors to this regiment, he spoke as follows: "Fellow-citizens, and fellow-soldiers (for both you are) of the United States, this is the first opportunity I have ever had of presenting the colors to a regiment of your color. Here are my State colors. I will now intrust them with you as a testimonial and token of friendship and a memorial of this State. I also present you with the national colors - the star-spangled banner - the emblem of your country. Fellow-soldiers, I trust that you will stand by your colors as other regiments that have left this State have done. Don't suffer them to be torn from you by the enemy. Your enemies say that you will not fight. When you go to the battle-field, I want you to show them that you are men. If you cannot save the shreds, I want you to save the staff of those colors. I have recognized you as a part of my quota, and you shall be treated the same as the rest of the quota of my State. You shall receive your pay from the United States War Department. In short, you will leave this clime to meet another, where your path will be beset with hardships. Be ready to meet them at their coming, and be assured, that you will get everything that you enlisted for."
This is the character and characteristic we enlisted under; and, what gives me a sense of humiliation more painful than ever, is, that we have been offered ten dollars per month, minus three dollars, to be deducted for clothing, which is a great insult and an unequivocal breach of contract. It is true, that the Governor of Massachusetts offered to make up the deficiency of our pay by passing an act in the State Legislature to pay us six dollars from the State, and seven from the United States. We declined taking our pay in that way. If we are soldiers, we think Uncle Sam is rich enough to pay us, as he does other soldiers. If we are fighting for Massachusetts, we are in the wrong place entirely. As we were sent as soldiers, we expect to receive the treatment of soldiers. The regiment has been in the United States service nearly fourteen months without one cent of pay. This is something that has never before been heard of on this continent. I cannot compare it to anything else but false pretence. When General Washington enlisted << colored>> men, he gave them the same pay, rations, clothing, Government bounties and pensions as other soldiers. He did not offer them one price, and then want them to take less for their pay than he originally agreed to give them. So far as the money was concerned, he fulfilled his promise. << Colored>> men fought to establish the Declaration of Independence, and for the star-spangled banner, the emblem of the white man. After << colored>> men had helped to establish those great blessings, General Washington was the man who presented both the stars and stripes to white men, and suffered the slave-holder to present the stripes alone to << colored>> men.
Now, how much better have we been treated? Governor Andrews promised to pay us from the War Department the same as other soldiers, and has suffered us to be imposed upon by allowing men to offer us ten dollars per month. If we do not receive the same pay and treatment as other soldiers, we owe no allegiance to the Government. If we cannot be a blessing, we are a reproach, upon our country, and are a curse to the stars and stripes we fight under.
When General Jackson wanted the aid of << colored>> men in 1812, he spoke to them, on the platform at New Orleans, as follows: "Men and fellow-citizens, (for such I consider you,) your country is about to be invaded. The country wants your aid. You can have your names enrolled as soldiers, and you shall have the same pay, rations and clothing as other soldiers. And, after you have gone forth to help to restore peace once more to this country, you shall have your freedom, independent of your masters."
After peace was declared, General Jackson said to the men: "Men, you have fought well, and you have gained for yourselves a great name, bought by the price of your blood. But I regret to tell you, that the supreme laws of the land are such, that you will have to be returned to your masters again until there are some other provisions made to free you. So, men, maintain the good reputation you have gained, and be good servants and do whatever you are bid to do. Your future conduct depends on your fidelity, and the freedom of your race hangs on your conduct and fidelity."
They have used Washington's and Jackson's language to us in this enlightened age of the world, under the blaze of the nineteenth century. It would have been better for us if they had taken Jackson's advise. Jackson told them to keep the << colored>> men in darkness - never to put arms in their hands. It is better to leave a man in the dark than to take what light he has away. They say to us: "Men, it is hard, we know, that you have not been paid off. You have gained a great name for yourselves, and now you must maintain it. You must go on and do your duty as you have done, and wait until Congress makes some provision to pay you."
I said that our regiment was got up on false pretence, and the act passed in Congress July 17th, 1863, proves that it was. If we carefully notice section 12, chapter 201, of the same date, which authorized the President of the United States to receive in the service, for the purpose of constructing intrenchments, or performing camp service, or any other labor, or any military or naval service for which they might be found competent, persons of African descent, such persons to be enrolled or organized under such regulations, not inconsistent with the Constitution and laws, as the President may prescribe.
Now, our regiment was, therefore, organized and mustered in the service of the United States under clear authority of law. But the 15th section of the act of the 17th of July, 1862, chapter 201, after directing that all persons who have been or shall be enrolled in the service of the United States, under that act, shall receive the pay and rations then allowed by law to soldiers, according to their respective grades, contains the proviso: That persons of African descent, who, under this law, shall be employed, shall receive ten dollars per month, and one ration, three dollars of which monthly pay may be received in the clothing. Now, our regiment was not mustered in on the ten dollars system. We were mustered in as Massachusetts volunteers, not as the United States << colored>> forces or as military laborers. If we are soldiers, treat us as soldiers; and, if we are only military laborers, which the law designates us, how is it that we are disciplined, armed and drilled the same as white soldiers? If we have to be treated as military laborers, then take away our arms and discipline, and return us back where they got us from, where we can find better paymasters.
I am not willing to fight for anything less than the white man fights for. If the white man cannot support his family on seven dollars per month, I cannot support mine on the same amount.
And I am not willing to fight for this Government for money alone. Give me my rights, the rights that this Government owes me, the same rights that the white man has. I would be willing to fight three years for this Government, without one cent of the mighty dollar. Then I would have something to fight for. Now I am fighting for the rights of the white man. white men have never given me the rights that they are bound to respect. God has not made one man better than another; therefore, one man's rights are no better than another's. They assert, that, because a large proportion of our race is in bondage, we have a right to help free them. I want to know if it was not the white man that put them in bondage? How can they hold us responsible for their evils? And how can they expect that we should do more to blot it out than they are willing to do themselves? If every slave in the United States were emancipated at once they would not be free yet. If the white man is not willing to respect my rights, I am not willing to respect his wrongs. Our rights have always been limited in the United States. It is true, that, in some places, a << colored>> man, if he can prove himself to be half white, can vote. Vote for whom? The white man. What good do such rights ever do us - to be compelled always to be voting for the white man, and never to be voted for?
Now, the white man declares that this is not our country, and that we have no right to it. They say that Africa is our country. I claim this as my native country - the country that gave me birth. I wish to know one thing, and that is this: Who is the most entitled to his rights in a country - a native of the country or the foreigner? This question can be very easily answered. Now, there are foreigners who have flooded our shores. They bring nothing with them but antagonistic feelings to rule and order, and they are without the rudiments of education, and yet they can train their children to be law-abiding citizens. In their own country mis-rule reigns. Generally very poor, they have no leisure for the cultivation of their hearts' best feelings; for, in their case, poverty degrades human nature. In this country their social influence is much greater than in their own. Here every avenue to distinction is open to them. the foreigner, when he enters this country, enters into life in an age full of a progressive spirit in the elective franchise. Such persons are the first to take up an offensive position against the Government, instead of marching under the banner of the Prince of peace. Such people have ruled this country too long already.
The ignorant Irish can come to this country and have free access to all the rights. After they have gained their rights, they cannot appreciate them. They then want to bully the Government. They soon get tired of living under the laws of the country, and commence to mutiny, riot, ransack cities, murder << colored>> children, and burn down Orphan Asylums, as was done in New York. Is the power to be given to such men to direct and govern the affairs of the Union, on which the weal or wo of the nation depends? This is productive of moral degradation, and becomes one of the fruitful sources of evil in our land, from which we shall suffer most severely, unless some plan is specially adopted to check its onward course. How can this nation ever expect to prosper? I wonder that God does not bring upon them present deluge and disasters. I do not wonder at the conduct and disaster that transpired at Fort Pillow. I wonder that we have not had more New York riots and Fort Pillow massacres.
Liberty is what I am struggling for; and what pulse does not beat high at the very mention of the name? Each of us, with fidelity, has already discharged the duties devolving on us as men and as soldiers. The very fact of such a union, on grounds so common, and deeply interesting to all, undoubtedly cannot always fail, by the blessing of God, to exert a hallowed influence over society, well fitted to break up alike the extremes of aristocratic and social feeling, which too often predominate in society, and to beget unity, love, brotherly kindness and charity.
Let liberty be duly observed, and its influence be extended from town to town, from city to city, from nation to nation; in short, from sea to sea, and from pole to pole. But everything is to be feared in the future from the shackles now forging.
As an individual case, I may fall, or I may stand; but I trust that I am in the right place, with the multitude on my side. I pass on, 'mid light and darkness, seeing not the end, yet believing that the unwavering eye of God has seen it in the unchanging light of eternity, and that His strong arm will bring me out into a large place. They say that it is only in the minor duties of our experience that our true character is shown. We may be courageous in the field, true and perfect in drill, watchful and trustworthy on guard; but, after all this, we are, by no means, cheerfully regarded for all the customs of camp life. Our merits are nowise measured or respected. I shall not take back anything that I have said, because, by so doing, I should sanction the impieties of my opponents, who would thence take occasion to crush us with still more cruelty; yet, as I am a mere man, and not God, I will defend myself after His example, who said: "If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the will." How much more should I, who am but dust and ashes, and so prone to error, desire that every one should bring forward what he can against my doctrine. Therefore, most serene Republicans, and you, illustrious Democrats, and all who may hear this, I implore you, by the mercies of God, to prove to me, by the writings of the prophets and apostles, that I am in error. As soon as I shall be convinced, I will instantly retract all my errors, and will myself be the first to seize my writings and commit them to the flames.
Yours truly,
J.H.B.P.
Morris Island, S.C., May 24, 1864.

ADDRESS

OF THE
<< COLORED>> NATIONAL CONVENTION
TO THE
People of the United States.
---

FELLOW-CITIZENS: Met in Convention as delegates, representing the Free << Colored>> people of the United States; charged with the responsibility of inquiring into the general condition of our people and of devising measures which may, with the blessing of God, tend to our mutual improvement and elevation; conscious of entertaining no motives, ideas, or aspirations, but such as are in accordance with truth and Justice, and are compatible with the highest good of our country and the world, with a cause as vital and worthy as that for which (nearly eighty years ago) your fathers and our fathers bravely contended, and in which they gloriously triumphed - we deem it proper, on this occasion, as one method of promoting the honorable ends for which we have met, and of discharging our duty to those in whose name we speak, to present the claims of our common cause to your candid, earnest, and favorable consideration.

As an apology for addressing you, fellow-citizens! We cannot announce the discovery of any new principle adapted to ameliorate the condition of mankind. The great truths of moral and political science, upon which we rely, and which we press upon your consideration, have been evolved and enunciated by you. We point to your principles, your wisdom, and to your great example as the full justification of our course this day. That “ ALL MEN ARE CREATED EQUAL;” that “LIFE, LIBERTY, AND THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS” ARE THE RIGHT OF ALL; THAT “TAXATION AND REPRESENTATION” SHOULD GO TOGETHER; THAT GOVERNMENTS ARE TO PROTECT NOT TO DESTROY, THEIR RIGHTS OF MANKIND; THAT THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES WAS FORMED TO ESTABLISH Justice, PROMOTE THE GENERAL WELFARE, AND SECURE THE BLESSINGS OF LIBERTY TO ALL THE PEOPLE OF THIS COUNTRY; THAT RESISTANCE TO TYRANTS IS OBEDIENCE TO GOD - are American principles and maxims, and together they form and constitute the constructive elements of the American government. From this elevated platform, provided by the Republic for us, and for all the children of men, we address you. In doing so, we would have our spirit properly discerned. On this point we would gladly free ourselves and our cause from all misconception. We shall affect no especial timidity, nor can we pretend to any great boldness. We know our poverty and weakness, and your wealth and greatness. - Yet we will not attempt to repress the spirit of liberty within us, or to conceal, in any wise, our sense of the justice and the dignity of our cause.
We are Americans, and as Americans, we would speak to Americans. We address you not as aliens not as exiles, humbly asking to be permitted to swell among you in peace; but we address you as American citizens asserting their rights on their own native soil. Neither do we address you as enemies, (although the recipients of innumerable wrongs;) but in the spirit of patriotic good will. In assembling together as we have done, our object is not to excite pity for ourselves, but to command prospect for our cause, and to obtain justice for our people. We are not malifactors imploring mercy; but we trust we are honest men, honestly appealing for righteous judgement and ready to stand or fall by that judgement. We do not solicit unusual favor, but will be content with rough-handed, “fair play.” We are either lame nor blind, that we should seek to throw off the responsibility of our own existence, or to cast ourselves upon public charity for support. We would not lay our burdens upon other men's shoulders; but we do ask, in the name of all that is just and magnanimous among men, to be freed from all the unnatural burdens and impediments with which American customs and American legislation have hindered our progress and improvement. We ask to be disencumbered of the load of popular reproach heaped upon us - of r no better cause than that we wear the complexion given to us by our God and our Creator.
We ask that in our native land, we shall not be treated as strangers, and worse that strangers.
We ask that, being friends of America, we should not be treated as enemies of America.
We ask that, speaking the same language and being of the same religion, worshipping the same God, owing our redemption to the same Savior, and learning our duties from the same Bible, we shall not be treated as barbarians.
We ask that, having the same physical, moral, mental, and spiritual wants, common to other members of the human family, we shall also have the same means which are granted and secured to others, to supply those wants.
We ask that the doors of the school-house, the work-shop, the Church, the college, shall be thrown open as freely to our children as to the children of other members of the community.
We ask that the American government shall be so administered as that beneath the broad shield of the Constitution, the << colored>> American seaman shall be secure in his life, liberty and property, in every State in the Union.
We ask that as justice knows no rich, no poor, no black, no white, but, like the government of God, renders alike to every man reward or punishment, according as his works shall be - the white and black man may stand upon an equal footing before the saws of the land.
We ask that (since the right of trial by jury is a safe guard to liberty, against the enrichments of power, only as it is a trial by impartial men, drawn indiscriminately from the country) << colored>> men shall not, in every instance, be tried by white persons; and that << colored>> men shall not be either by custom or enactment excluded from the jury box.
We ask that (inasmuch as we are, in common with other American citizens, supporters of the State, subjects to its laws, interested in its welfare, liable to be called upon to defend it in time of war, contributors to its wealth in time of peace) the complete and unrestricted right of suffrage, which is essential to the dignity even of the white man, be extended to the Free << Colored>> man also.
Whereas, the << colored>> people of the United States have too long been retarded and impeded in the development and improvement of their natural faculties and powers, ever to become dangerous rivals to white men, in the honorable pursuits of life, liberty and happiness; and whereas, the proud Anglo-Saxon can need no arbitrary protection from open and equal competition with any variety of the human family; and whereas, laws have been enacted limiting the aspirations of << colored>> men, as against white men - we respectfully submit that such laws are flagrantly unjust to the man of color, and plainly discreditable to white men; and for these and other reasons, such laws ought to be repealed.
We especially urge that all laws and usage's which preclude the enrollment of << colored>> men to the militia, and prohibit their bearing arms in the navy, disallow their rising, agreeable to their merits and attainments - are unconstitutional - the Constitution knowing no color - are Anti-Democratic, since Democracy respects men as equals - are unmagnanimous since such laws are made y the many, against the few and by the strong against the weak.
We ask that all those cruel and oppressive laws, whether enacted at the South or the North, which aim at the expatriation of the free people of color, shall be stamped with national reprobation, denounced as contrary to the humanity of the American people, and as an outrage upon the Christianity and civilization of the nineteenth century.
We ask that the right of pre-emption, enjoyed by all white settlers upon the public lands, shall also be enjoyed by << colored>> settlers; and that the word “white” be struck from the pre-emption act. We ask that no appropriations whatever, state or national, shall be granted to the colonization scheme; and we would have our right to leave or to remained in the United States placed above legislative interference.
We ask, that the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, that Legislative monster of modern times, by whose atrocious provisions the writ of “habeas corpus,” the “right of trial by jury,” have been virtually abolished, shall be repealed.

We ask, that the law of 1793 be so construed as to apply only to apprentices, and others really owing service or labor; and not to slaves, who can owe nothing. Finally, we ask that slavery in the United States shall be immediately, unconditionally, and forever abolished.

To accomplish these just and reasonable ends, we solemnly pledge ourselves to God, to each other, to our country, and to the world, to use all and every means consistent with the just rights of our fellow men, and with the precepts of Christianity.
We shall speak, write and publish, organize and combine to accomplish them.
We shall invoke the aid of the pulpit and the press to gain them.
We shall appeal to the church and to the government to gain them.
We shall vote, and expend out money to gain them.
We shall send eloquent men of our own condition to plead our cause before the people.
We shall invite the cooperation of good men in this country and throughout the world - and, above all, we shall look to God, the Father and Creator of all men, for wisdom to direct us and strength to support us in the holy cause to which we this day solemnly pledge ourselves.
Such fellow citizens are our aims, ends, aspirations and determinations. We place them before you, with the earnest hope that upon further investigation, they will meet you cordial and active approval.
And yet, again we would free ourselves from the charge of unreasonableness and self-sufficiency.
In numbers we are few and feeble; but in the goodness of our cause, in the rectitude of our motives, and in the abundance of argument on our side, we are many and strong.
We count our friends, in the heavens above the earth beneath, among good men and holy angels. The subtle and mysterious cords of human sympathy have connected us with philanthropic hears throughout the civilized world. The number in our land who already recognize the Justice of our cause, and are laboring to promote it, are great and increasing.
It is also a source of encouragement, that the genuine American, brave and independent himself, will respect bravery and independence in others. He spurns servility and meanness, whether they be manifested by nations or by individuals. We submit, therefore, that there is neither necessity fork, nor disposition on our part to assume a tone of excessive humility. While we would be respectful, we must address you as men, as citizens, as brothers, as dwellers in a common country, equally interested with you for its welfare, its honor, and for its prosperity.
To be still more explicit; we would, first of all, be understood to range ourselves no lower among our fellow countrymen than is implied in the high appellation of “citizen.”
Notwithstanding the impositions and deprivations which have fettered us - notwithstanding the disabilities and liabilities, pending and impending - notwithstanding the cunning cruel and scandalous efforts to blot our that right, we declare that we are, and of right we ought to be American citizens. We claim this right, and we claim all the rights and privileges, and duties which, properly, attach to it.
It may, and it will, probably, be disputed that we are citizens. We may, and, probably, shall be denounced for this declaration, as making an inconsiderate, impertinent and absurd claim to citizenship; but at very little reflection will vindicate the position we have assumed, from so unfavorable a judgement. Justice is never inconsiderate; truth is never impertinent; right is never absurd. If the claim we set up be just, true and right, it will not be deemed improper of ridiculous in us so to declare it. Nor is it disrespectful to our fellow-citizens, who repudiate the aristocratic notions of the old world, that we range ourselves with them in respect to all the rights and prerogatives belonging to American citizens. Indeed, we believe, when you have duly considered this subject, you will commend us for the mildness and the modesty with which we have taken our ground.
By right, we are American citizens; by the principles of the declaration of Independence, we are American citizens; within the meaning of the United States Constitution, we are American citizens; by the facts of history, and the admissions of American statesmen, we are American citizens; by the hardships and trial endured - by the courage and fidelity displayed by our ancestors in defending the liberties and in achieving the independence of our land, we are American citizens. In proof of the Justice of this primary claim, we might cite numerous authorities, facts and testimonies - a few only must suffice.
In the Convention of New York, held for amending the Constitution of that State, in the year 1821, an interesting discussion took place, upon a proposition to prefix the word “white” to make citizens. Nathan Sanford, then state Chancellor of the State, said, “Here there is but one estate - the people - and to me the only qualification seems to be their virtue and morality. If they may be safely trusted to vote for one class of rules, why not for all? The principle of the scheme is, that those who bear the burdens of the State shall choose those that rule it.” Dr. Robert Clark, in the same debate, said, “I am unwilling to retain the word 'white,' because it is repugnant to all the principles and notions of liberty, to which we have heretofore, professed to adhere, and t our 'Declaration of Independence,' which is a concise and just expose of those principles.” He said, “it had been appropriately observed by the Hon. Gentleman from West Chester, (Mr. Jay,) that by retaining this word; you violate the Constitution of the United States.” Chancellor Kent supported the motion of Mr. Jay to strike our the word “white.” “He did not come to this Convention,” said he, “to disfranchise any portion of the community.” Peter A. Jay, on the same occasion, said, “It is insisted that this Convention, clothed with all the powers of the sovereign people of the State, have a right to construct the government in the manner they think most conducive to the general good. If, Sir, right and power are not convertible terms. No man, no body of men, however powerful, have a right to do wrong,” - In the same Convention Martin Van Buren said, “there were two words which has come into common use with our revolutionary struggle - words which contained an abridgement of our political rights - words which, at that day, had a talismanic effect - which led our fathers from the bosom of their families to the tented field - which for seven long years of toil and suffering had kept the to their arms, and which, finally, conducted them to a glorious triumph. They were 'Taxation and Representation.' Nor did they lose their influence with the close of that struggle. They were never heard in our halls of legislation without bringing to our recollection the consecrated feelings of those who won our liberties, or, reminding us of everything that was sacred in principle.” Ogden Edwards without said “he considered it no better than robbery to demand the contributions of << colored>> people towards defraying the public expenses, and at the same time to disfranchise them.” But we must close our quotations from these debates. - Much more could be cited, to show that << colored>> men are not only citizens, but hat they have a right to the exercise of the [ ] franchise in the State if New York. If the right to citizenship is established in the State of New York, it is in consequence of the same facts which exist in at least every free State of the Union. We turn from the debates in the State of New York to the nation; and here we find testimony abundant and incontestable, that Free << Colored>> people are esteemed as citizens by the highest authorities in the United States.
The Constitution of the United States declares “that citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the United States.”
There is, in this clause of the Constitution, nothing whatever, of that watchful malignity which has manifested itself lately in the insertion of the word “white” before the term “citizen.” The word “white” was unknown to the framers of the Constitution of the United States in such connections - unknown to the signers of the Declaration of Independence - unknown to the brave men at Bunker Hill, Ticonderoga, and at Red Bank. It is a modern word, brought into use by modern Legislators, despised in revolutionary times.
The question of our citizenship came up as a national question, and was settled during the tendency of the Missouri question, in 1820.
It will be remembered that that State presented herself for admission into the Union, with a clause in her Constitution prohibiting the settlement of << colored>> citizens within her borders. Resistance was made to her admission into the Union, upon that very ground; and it was not until that state receded from her unconstitutional position, that President Monroe declared the admission of Missouri into the Union to be complete.
According to Nile's Register, August 18th, vol. 20, page 338 and 339, the refusal to admit Missouri into the Union was not withdrawn until the General Assembly of that State, in conformity to a fundamental condition imposed by Congress, had, by an act passed for that purpose, solemnly enacted and declared, “That this State (Missouri) has assented, and does assent, that the fourth clause of the 26th section of the third article of their Constitution should never be construed to authorize the passage of any law, and that no law shall be passed in conformity thereto, by which any citizen of either of the United States shall be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such citizens are entitled under the Constitution of the United States.”
Upon this action by the State of Missouri, President Monroe proclaimed the admission of Missouri into the Union.
Here, fellow-citizens, we have a recognition of our citizenship by the highest authority of the United States; and here we might rest our claim to citizenship. But there have been services performed, hardships endured, courage displayed, by our fathers, which modern American historians forget to record - a knowledge of which is essential to an intelligent judgement of the merits of our people. Thirty years ago, slavery was less powerful than now; American statesmen were more independent then, than now; and, as a consequence, the black man's patriotism and bravery were more readily recognized. - the age of slave-hunting had not then come on. In the memorable debate on the Missouri question, the meritorious deeds of our fathers obtained respectful mention. The Hon. Wm. Eustis, who had himself been a soldier of the revolutions, and Governor of the State of Massachusetts, made a speech in the Congress of the United States, 12th December, and said:” “The question to be determined is, whether the article in the Constitution of Missouri, requiring the legislation to provide by law, 'that free Negroes and mulattos shall not be admitted into that State' is or is not repugnant to that clause of the constitution of the United States which declares that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States? This is the question. Those who contend that the article is not repugnant to the Constitution of the United States, take the position that free black and mulattos are not citizens. Now, I invite the gentlemen who maintain this to go with me and examine this question to its rot. At the early part of the << revolutionary war>> , there were found, in the middle and northern States, many blacks, and other people of color, capable of bearing arms, a part of them free, and a greater part of them slaves. The freemen entered our ranks with the whites. The time of those who were slaves were purchased by the State, and they were induced to enter the service in consequence of a law, by which, on condition of their serving in the ranks during the war, they were made freemen. In Rhode Island, where their numbers were more considerable, they were formed under the same considerations into a regiment, commanded by white officers; and it is required, in Justice to them to add, that they discharged their duty with zeal and fidelity. The gallant defense of Red Bank, in which the black regiment bore a part, is among the proofs of their valor.”
“Not only the rights by the character of these men do not appear to have been understood; nor is it to me, at all extraordinary that gentlemen for other States, in which the condition, character, the moral facilities, and the rights of men of color differ so widely, should entertain opinions so variant from ours. In Massachusetts, Sir, there are among them who possess all the virtues which are deemed estimable in civil and social life. They have their public teachers of religion and morality - their schools and other Institutions. On anniversaries, which they consider interesting to them,, they have their public processions, in all of which they conduct themselves with order and decorum. Now we ask only that in a disposition to accommodate others, their avowed rights and privileges be not taken from them. If their number be small, and they are feebly represented; we, to whom they are known, are proportionately bound to protect them. But their defense is not founded on their numbers; it rests on the immutable principles of Justice. If there be only one family, of a solitary individual who has rights guaranteed to him by the Constitution, whatever may be his color or complexion, it is not in the power, nor can it be the inclination of Congress to deprive him of them. And I trust, Sir, that the decision on this occasion will show hat we will extend good faith even to the blacks.” - Nat. Intelligencer, Jan. 2, 1821.

Selections.

From Parker's Letter on Slavery,
EFFECTS OF SLAVERY ON LAW AND POLITICS.

(CONTINUED)

In some States it is a penal offence to teach slaves the elements of common learning. By the recent code of Virginia, any one who undertakes to teach reading or writing to slaves, or even free << colored>> persons, may be fined from $10 to $100. The same is forbidden in Georgia. In Alabama, the punishment is a fine from $250 to $500; in Mississippi, imprisonment for one year. Louisiana forbids the teaching of slaves to read or write, and prohibits any one from using language in public discourse or private conversation, having a tendency to produce discontent among the free << colored>> population. The latter offence is "punishable with imprisonment or death at the discretion of the court." This antipathy to the education of the << colored>> race, extends even to the free States. It is not unknown in New England. The State of Ohio established schools in 1829 for "the white youth of every class and grade without distinction."
According to the alleged precept of Mahomet, slaves are supposed to be bound by feebler, social and civil obligations than freemen, and thus common offences receive but half the punishment of the free. Such it is said is the Common Law of Mahometans in Turkey and the East. In Virginia there are six capital offences for a freeman, seventy-one for a slave. In Mississippi there are thirty-eight offences for which a slave must be punished with death - not one of which is a capital crime in a free white man. In some States the law is milder, but in none does the Christian Republican of Anglo Saxon descent imitate the humanity of the Mussulman, and legally favor the weaker part - correcting slaves as the children of the State.
Many offences for which a slave is severely punished, are not wrongs by Nature, sins against the Universal and Divine Law, but only crimes by Statute. Thus in Mississippi, if a slave be found "fire-hunting," he is punishable" with thirty-nine lashes, well laid on his bare back." In the same State, if a slave be found out of the limits of the town, or off the plantation where he usually works, "any one may apprehend and punish him with whipping on the bare back, not exceeding twenty lashes." If he refuses to submit to the examination of any white person, "such white person may apprehend and moderately correct him, and if he should assault and strike such white person, he may be lawfully killed." Louisiana has a similar law, and also punishes any slave or free << colored>> person exercising the functions of a minister of the Gospel, with thirty-nine lashes. In Virginia a slave or free << colored>> person may be beaten with twenty lashes for being found at any school for teaching reading and writing. In South Carolina he is forbidden to wear any but the coarsest garments.
The Roman code allowed emancipation; the customs of England and Germany favored it. The Christian church often favored and recommended it. In the Roman Empire, the advance of humanity continually rendered it easy and common. A slave sick, and derelict of his master, recovering, claimed legally his freedom for salvage of himself. - But in America the laws constantly throw obstacles in its way. In South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, no man can emancipate any slave, except by the authority of the Legislature, granted by a special enactment conveying the power. In Georgia a Will, setting free a slave, is so far null and void, and any person attempting to execute it, shall be fined $1000. In Kentucky, Missouri, Virginia, Maryland, it is less difficult; but even there no man is allowed to emancipate a slave to the prejudice of his creditors; or in Virginia, Mississippi and Kentucky, to the lessening of his widow's dower, the Common Law favors three things - Life, Liberty and Dower; the law of these three States sacrifices the Liberty of Slaves to the Dower of a widow. Emancipation must be made with most formal and technical minuteness, or the act is void. Does the master solemnly covenant with his slave to emancipate him? the contract can be revoked at the master's will. No extraordinary service of the slave, except in North Carolina, would be held "a good consideration" and sufficient to bind the bargain, In some States, as Maryland and Virginia, in fact - no person under thirty nor over five-and-forty can be emancipated.
Take all the slave-laws of the United States together, consider the Race that has made them, their Religion, the Political ideas of their government, that it is in the nineteenth century after Christ, and they form the most revolting work of legislation to be found in the annals of any pacific people. The codes of the Barbarians who sat on the ruins of the Roman Empire - the Burgundians, Bavarians, the Allemanni, with the Visgoths and their Northern kin - have left enactments certainly more terrible in themselves. But the darkness of that period shrouds all those barbarian legislations in a general and homogeneous gloom; and here, it is "the freest and most enlightened nation of the world," who keeps, extends and intensifies the dreadful statutes which make men only things, binds and sells them as brute cattle. In 1102, the Council of London decreed, that "hereafter no one shall presume to carry on the nefarious business in which, hitherto, men in England are wont to be sold as brute beasts." The churches of America have no voice of rebuke - no word of entreaty when Christian Clergymen sell their brothers in the market. The flag of America and the majesty of the law defends that "business," which the Anglo-Saxon Bishops, seven hundred and forty-five years age, looked on as "nefarious," Nefarium Negotium. M. de Tocqueville regarded the American slave-code as "Legislation stained by unparalleled atrocities; Legislation which forbids the slaves to be taught to read and write, and which aims to sink them as nearly as possible to the level of the brutes."
The effect of slavery appears in the general legislation of the South. In Wisdom and Humanity it is far behind the North. It is there that laws are most bloody; punishments most barbarous and vindictive; that irregular violence takes most often the place of legal procedure; that equity is least sure even for the free whites themselves. One end of the slave's chain is round the master's neck. "Justice," says the proverb, "has feet of wool, but iron hands." The slave-driver's whip and the bowie-knife of the American have a near relation.
Some of the Southern States have enacted remarkable laws to this effect: That when any free negro or person of color arrives in any vessel at a Southern port, he shall be shut up in prison until the departure of the vessel, the owner of the vessel paying the costs. - By this law the free citizens of the free States are continually imprisoned in South Carolina and Louisiana. This is not only a violation of the Constitution of the United States, but it is contrary to the common customs of Christian nations' a law without a parallel in their codes; a result which Gouverneur Morris did not anticipate in 1787, when he made his satirical calculation of the value of the Union to the North.
The iniquity of the code of the slave States has passed into some enactments of the general government of the Union. In 1793, a law was made by Congress to this effect: A fugitive slave escaping into a free State - and consequently any man claimed to be such - may be seized by the master or his agent, and carried back to slavery without the intervention of a Trial by Jury to determine whether the man is a slave - simply by a trial before "any Judge of the circuit or district courts of the United States residing or being within the State, or before any magistrate of the county, city or town corporate where such seizure or arrest shall be made." The proof required that the man is a slave is by "oral testimony or affidavit" of the parties interested in the man's capture. This is a departure form the Customs of your Fathers; - a departure which the Common Law of England would not justify at any time since the Norman conquest. The Trial by Jury has been regarded the great Safeguard of personal Freedom; even in the dark ages of English law it was the Right of every man, of every fugitive slave, when his person was in peril. Had a slave escaped, with his children, and remained some time a freeman - statu liber: did the master find the children and not the father, he could not hold them till he caught the father, and by a jury-trial proved his claim! In the united States, the laws do not favor liberty in case of men born with African blood in their veins.
The power of the general government has been continually exercised against this class of Americans. It pursues them after they have taken refuge with the Indians; it has sullied the American name by vainly asking the Monarch of England to deliver up fugitive American slaves who had fled to Canada and sought freedom under her flag.
The federal government established slavery in the District of Columbia, in various Territories, and approved the constitutions of eight new States which aim to perpetuate the institution.
For a long time the House of Representatives refused to receive "all petitions, memorials, resolutions and propositions relating in any way or to any extent whatever to the subject of slavery." Thus have the "unalienable rights" of man been trampled under foot by the government of the most powerful Republic in the world. But last summer, in the city of Washington, two women were sold as slaves, on account of the United States of America, by her marshal, at public auction!
But let us look at the Political Effect of slavery. The existence of 3,000,000 slaves in the heart of the nation, with interests hostile to their masters, weaken the effective force of the nation in time of war. It was found to be so in the revolution and in the late war. The slave States offer a most vulnerable point of attack. Let an enemy offer freedom to all the slaves who would join the standard - they will find "in every negro a decided friend," and the South could not stand with millions of foes scattered through all parts of her territory. Have the slaves no arms? There are firebrands on every hearth. During the revolution many thousands escaped from South Carolina alone. - At the conclusion of the last war with England, she offered to pay $1,204,000 as the value of the slaves who, in a brief period, had taken shelter beneath her flag. What if England had armed them as soldiers, to ravage the country and burn the towns? Will a future enemy be so reluctant? The feeling of the civilized world revolts at our inhumanity. The English, for reasons no longer existing, took little pains to avail themselves of the weapon thus thrust in their hands. In the time of our troubles with France, when war was expected, General Washington had serious apprehensions from this source. Even in 1756, During the French war, Governor Dinwiddie, of Virginia, did not "dare venture to part with any of our white men at any distance, as we must have a wathful eye over our negro slaves."
The << Revolutionary war>> showed the respective military abilities of North and South, and their respective devotion to their country's cause. It is not easy, perhaps not possible to ascertain the sums of money furnished by the particular States, for the purposes of that war; the number of men it is easy to learn. Taking the census of 1790 as the standard, the six slave States had a free population of 1,852,504, or, including Kentucky and Tennessee, 1,961,372. Let us suppose, that during the Revolution, from 1775 to 1783, the number was but two-thirds as great, or 1,307,539. In those States, there were 657,527 slaves, all the other States had likewise slaves; but in New England there were but 3,886, their influence quite inconsiderable in military affairs. Let us therefore compare the number of men furnished for the war by New England and the six slave States. In 1790 the population of New England was 1,009,823. But let us suppose, as before, that from 1775 to 1783, it was, on an average, but two-thirds as large, or 673,215. During the nine years of the << Revolutionary war>> , New England furnished for the continental army 119,305 men; while the slave States, with a free population of 1,307,549, furnished but 59,336 men for the continental army. Besides that, the slave States furnished 1,123 militia men, and New England 29,324.
Let us compare a slave State and a free one, of about equal population. - In 1790, South Carolina contained 249,073 persons; Connecticut 238,141. Supposing the population, during the war, only two-thirds as great as in 1790, then South Carolina contained 166,018, and Connecticut 158,760 persons. - During the nine years of the war, S. Carolina sent 6,417 soldiers to the continental army, and Connecticut 32,039. In 1790, Massachusetts contained 475,257 souls; during the Revolution, according to the above ratio, 316,838. While the six slave States, with their free population of 1,307,549, furnished but 59,36 soldiers for the continental army, and 10,123 militia men, Massachusetts alone sent 68,007 soldiers to the continental army and 15,155 militia. Thus shoulder to shoulder Massachusetts and South Carolina went through the Revolution, and felt the great arm of Washington lean on them both for support.
By the Constitution of the United States, in the apportionment of representatives to congress, five slaves count the same as three freemen. This is a provision unknown in former national codes, resting on a principle undemocratic, detrimental to liberty, and hitherto unheard of: the principle of allowing parts of a nation political power in proportion to the number of men which they hold in bondage. It would have astonished the Heathen Democracy of Athens long centuries ago. By this arrangement, from 1789 to 1792, the South gained seven representatives in the first Congress; from 1795 to 1813 - fourteen; from 1813 to 1823 - nineteen; from 1823 to 1833 - twenty-two; from 1833 to 1843 - twenty-five. By the last apportionment bill, one representative is allowed for 70,680 freemen, or proportionate number of slaves. By this arrangement, in a house of only 225 members the South gains 20 representatives on account of her slaves - more than 1-12 of the whole.
At present, the North has 138 representatives for 9,728,922 souls; or 9,727,893 free men; one representative for each 70,492 free men. The South has 87 representatives. There are, within the slave States, 4,848,105 free men; they have one representative for each 55,725 free persons.
In the next Presidential election, the North will have 166 electoral votes: the South 117. The North has an electoral vote for each 52,576 free men; the South one for each 41,436. Part of this difference is due to the fact that in the South there are several small States. But twenty electoral votes are given by the South on account of her property in slaves. But if slaves are merely property, there is no reason why Southern Negroes should be represented in Congress more than the Spindles of the North.
But the South pays direct taxes for her slaves in the same proportion. A direct tax has been reported to only four times since 1780 by the general government, viz: in 1798, 1813, 1814, and 1816. The whole amount assessed is $14,000,000. Of this about $12,750,000 was actually paid into the treasury of the United States, though part in depreciated currency. Of that the South paid for her slaves, if the computation be correct, only $1,256,553.
In 1837, the surplus revenue of the Union, amounting to $37,468,859 97, was distributed among the several States in proportion to their electoral votes. By the census of 1830, the North had 7,008,451 free persons, and the South but 3,823,289. The free States received $21,410,777 12, and the slave States $16,058,082 85. - Each free man of the North received but $3 05, while each free man of the South received $4 20 in that division.
At that time the South had one hundred and twenty-six electoral votes, of which twenty-five were on account of her slave representation. She therefore received by that arrangement, $3,186,127 59 on account of the representation of her slaves. From that, if we deduct the $1,256,553 paid by her as direct taxes on her slaves, there is left $1,929,574 50, as the bonus which the South has received from the treasury of the nation on account of the representation of slaves - Southern property represented in Congress. To this we must add $57,556, which the South received in Congress. To this we must add $57,556, which the South received in 1842 from the sale of public land on account of her slaves, the sum is $1,987,130 50. Mr. Pinckney was right when he said the terms were not bad for the South.
Slavery diverts the freeman from Industry, from Science, from Letters and the Elegant Arts. It has been said to qualify him for politics. As political matters have been managed in the United States in this century, the remark seems justified by the facts. Elections are not accidents. Of the eight Presidents elected in the nineteenth century, six were born in the South - children of the slave States. No Northern man has ever twice been elected to the highest office of the nation. A similar result appears in the appointment of important officers by the President himself. From 1789 to 1815, one hundred and seventy appointments were made of ministers and charges to foreign powers; of these, seventy-eight were filled from the North, 92 from the South. - Of the seventy-four ministers plenipotentiary sent to Europe before 1846, forty-three were from the slave States. There have been fifteen judges of the Supreme Court from the North; eighteen from the South. The office of Attorney General has been four times filled by Northern men, fourteen times by men from the slave States. Out of thirty Congresses, eleven only have had a Speaker from the North. There are significant facts, and plainly show the aptitude of Southern men to manage the political affairs of America. These are pilots for fair weather; pilots also only trusted in a storm.

Masonic.
At the tenth annual communication of the Most Worshipful King Solomon Grand Lodge of F. and A.A.Y.M. in and for the State of Kansas, held in the city of Lawrence, Oct. 2-10th, A.L. 5878, A.D. 1878, the following proceedings were had:

Grand Officers Elected For the Year 1878-79.
Capt. Wm. D. Matthews, of Leavenworth, Kansas, M.W.G.M.
J.C. Carter, Leavenworth, R.W.D.G.M.
John F. Ready, Ottawa, R.W.S.G.W.
Charles Anderson, Lawrence, R.W.J.G.W.
E.L. Bradley, Lawrence, R.W.G. Sec.
E.T. Tipton, Emporia, R.W.G. Tyler.

Appointed Officers.
Henry Fuel, Lawrence, R.W.S.G.D.
Henry Douglas, Wyandotte, R.W.J.G.D.
James Maddox, Lawrence, R.W.S.G.S.
Tunce Thomas, North Lawrence, R.W.J.G.S.
Shelby Obanion, Wyandotte, R.W.G.S.B.
Parris Barker, Lawrence, R.W.G.
Standard Bearer.
Charles Stewards, North Lawrence, R.W.G. Pursulvania
Edward Young, Atchison, R.W.G.
Marshal
Rev. Dennis Jones, Leavenworth, R.W.G. Chaplain.
Rev. J.R.B.Burris, Weston, Mo., R.W.G.Chap
Rev. Jeremiah Karr, Leavenworth.
Thomas Glover, R.W.D.D.G.M. of the
Southwestern District, with headquarters at Wichita.
William Grand, R.W.D.D.G.M. of the Northwestern District,
Headquarters at Topeka.
N.S. Mithcell, R.W.D.D.G.M. of the Northern District, headquarters at Atchison.
Lemuel King, R.W.D.D.G.M. of the Middle District, headquarters Lawrence.
S.I. Hayes, R.W.D.D.G.M. of the Southwestern District of Kansas, of Weston, Mo., headquarters at Fort Scott.
John Brown, R.W.D.D.G.M. for Southwestern Kansas and Indian Territory, headquarters at Ottawa, Kan.
George Foster, R.W.D.D.G.M. of the District of Paola, Kansas, and Western Borders of Missouri, headquarters at Paola.
James Woodland, R.W.D.D.G.M. of Western and Northern Missouri, and the Eastern Border of Kansas, headquarters at Kansas City, Mo.
Wm. Thomas Mumford, R.W.D.D.G.M. in and for the State of Missouri, headquarters at St. Louis, Mo.

Address of the Grand Master.

Brethren of the Most Worshipful King Solomon Grand Lodge of F. and A. A Y. M. in and for the State of Kansas.

Through your sutlrages we have been honored in being called to preside over the craft in this grand jurisdiction for another Masonic year. Allow me to return to you my iraternal thanks for the honor thus conferred, assuring you it will be my earnest desire in the future as in the past to labor for the upbuilding of the national compact of the United States of North America, to whom we owe our allegiance, and for the advance and growth of Free Masonry among us, that it may be brought to that high moral standard which will cause the whole Masonic family throughout the globe to respect us as true disciples of ancient craft Masonry. Having been called for ten successive [ ] to preside in the Grand East of this M.W. Grand Lodge, we assure you that these years have been emphatically years of hard labor and incessant anxiety. Often have we been compelled to burn the midnight lamp in our endeavors to meet the extra responsibilities involved in our official position. The correspondence of the G.M. has been very large, and is constantly increasing as our order grows.

Many things have occurred during the past year of which we would be glad to speak, but it would be needless to undertake to enumerate the many incidents during the last Masonic year, and the many obstacles which have been placed in our way by bad and designing men to hinder our progress and impede the ever-onward march of our honored craft. However, we cannot pass without calling your attention to that class who style themselves State Right Masons, and we would especially notice one fellow belonging to that seceding branch of the order who styles himself John G. Jones, of Chicago, who has tried to make himself prominent by the publication of false and malicious slanders calculated to injure and obstruct the work of our honorable craft. Certain newspapers published by << colored>> men, among which are the Pacific Appeal, published at San Francisco, also one in Chicago, and one in St. Louis, are of this class, and are devoting their energies to the netarious business of laying every obstacle in the way of our honorable progress, and injuring our branch of the craft by every discreditable means in their power. This John Jones, and one E.R. Overall profess to know, or would wish to make people believe that they know, the workings of this M.W. Grand Lodge, but as one has been suspended from this M.W.G.L. for unmasonic conduct, we know him well. This E.R. Overall is better known by the name of E.R. Williams, and as every intelligent << colored>> man in the west is informed of his true status, we will pass him without further notice. This John G. Jones, who styles himself Past Grand Master of Illinois, is better known as Past Grand Sleeping Car Porter Jones, and is more fitted for that position than any other; we therefore pass him as entirely unworthy of notice by any respectable person.

Brethren: There are questions arising which are of paramount importance in reference to our future growth and prosperity-questions which have in the past year agitated the minds of our brethren throughout the domain of the R.W.G.L., in reference to the legality of << colored>> Masons in the United States, and as to who are the legal body. This question must be met. This Grand body can no longer let it pass without some definite action or decision being reached. We must investigate it in all its bearings, and make the issue. Having rights as free and intelligent Masons, we must claim them and show the Masonic world that, knowing our rights, we are able to maintain them against our enemies who are seeking to rob us of them. We must also prove to the great brotherhood the genuineness of one claim. To do this, we will first call your attention to the first << colored>> Masons in America, and show you by the record where they obtained there right to work as Masons. The record shows that one Prince Hall, together with ten or more others, all << colored>> men, were initiated, passed and raised to the sublime degree of a M.M. on the 3d day of March 1775, in the British Army Lodge-Gen. Gage's brigade, then stationed in Boston, Mass., during the << revolutionary war>> . The following are their names: Prince Hall, Cyrus Tonbus, Buesten Siinger, Thomas Sanderson, Prince Tayden, Cato Speam, Boston Smith, Peter Best, For in Howard, Prince Rees, John Canten, Peter Freeman, Benjamin Tiber, […} and Richard Tilley, all of whom being << colored>> men, they became member's of the lodge, and worked is said lodge until after the close of the revolution.

After the Declaration of Independence this man Prince Hall obtained a charter under date of Sept. 29, 1781, but it did not arrive until three years later-May, 1787. This was a warrant granted to Prince Hall from the Grand Lodge of England, under which he organized, May 16, 1787. The name given to this Lodge was African Lodge No. 469, afterwards registered No. 370. We would say here that the records prove that a committee was appointed to examine said warrant, and they pronounced it genuine. Proof in great abundance could be produced here, to not only prove the genuineness of this warrant, but the matter has been traced by correspondence between Prince Hall and the Grand Secretary of England, William White, which prove the statement to be correct. The line from Prince Hall's warrant down to the present time is unbroken, and evidence is on record to convince the most skeptical of this truth. Correspondence is on tile in abundance to prove the line of succession, but space will not permit us to follow it out here; therefore we pass to notice briefly the true history of << colored>> Masonry down to the present day. From this organization of Prince Hall, of the African Lodge, a Grand Lodge was formed in Boston, called the African Grand Lodge, and from that lodges were formed or established in Pennsylvania. New York and Rhode Island. In 1807 Prince Hall died, and in regular [ ] John T. Hilton became the Grand Master of the Prince Hall organization. The lodges which were in Pennsylvania in 1815 established what was known at the time as the first African Grand Lodge of North America. In 1818, three years after the organization of the African Grand Lodge, Union Lodge NO. 4, conspiring and seceding from the jurisdiction of the African Grand Lodge, was expelled by that Grand body. They, without warrant or authority, commenced to make Masons and organize lodges. This was the start of clandestine << colored>> Masonry, working without any authority and to the disgrace of the fraternity, and causing great confussion.

John T. Hilton, G.M. of Prince Hall organization, having the love of Masonry at heart, deeply regretting the unhappy condition of affairs among << colored>> masons, and seeing no Grand Head that << colored>> Masons could rally round in the year 1847 called the national convention of all the << colored>> Masons in the United States to meet in Boston. Said convention did meet on the 24th, 25th and 27th of June, 1847, and all Masons at that time were represented and took part in the convention, and formed on National Grand Head, having first each surrendered their warrants and authorities; and said Grand Head was called the National Grand Lodge of North America, with full power and authority to grant warrants to State Grand << Lodges-colored>> Masons. This same John T. Hilton, successor to Prince Hall was elected National Grand master to preside over the craft to confirm this a grand procession took place in New York on June 24-St. John's day-1848 in honor of the event, in which all parties evinced their confirmation by their presence, and therefore whatever authority they had before this was surrendered by their own voluntary act to the National Grand Lodge, and a […] of << colored>> Masonry began, tracing that link back to the original Prince Hail Lodge, which was originated during the << revolutionary war>> .

The Prince Hall G.L., now in existence was organized by warrant and authority of the National G.L., with only four subordinate lodges, and only forty Masons at that time in the whole State of Massachusetts, and a small number in Pennsylvania to what there is now, and in New York, for Masonry was at a standstill among the << colored>> men before the organization of a Grand Head.

Since that time Free Masonry amongst << colored>> men has made great progress << colored>> men has made great progress and has spread over the whole land, and all was outwardly in peace and union; but while that was the fact, the old spirit which had worked division among the [ ] in 1818 raised its deformed head, and attempted to secede again. One lodge in Pennsylvania attempted to secede, and was promptly expelled; and then and there commenced that unmasonic and clandestine work again of making Masons without warrant or authority and styling themselves State Rights Masons. The Nationals, however, still advanced, while the seceders made no progress until after the late war and after the << colored>> men became free. These so called State Rights Masons, from mercenary motives went into the South, making Masons of << colored>> men at sight; organizing clandestine lodges with almost lightning speed wherever enough << colored>> men could be got together with money enough to satisfy these greedy fellows, for money making was their chief object, and not the good of their fellow men. And men who were well known to the Masonic fraternity, who had been expelled, &c., joined in with these so called State Rights Masons until they have become quite numerous, and now with these false pretenses would have the Masonic world believe they are the only legitimate << colored>> Masons in this country. Oh! How short-sighted these false pretenders are. Do they not know they have left a record open behind them to the gaze of the Masonic world, to the gaze of every true Mason, which will brand them with infamy and a violation of every true principle which they should be bound to support?

Brethren: It may be well to refer to an argument which has been set up by these seceders to justify their violation of obligation and allegiance to the National Grand Lodge. It is asserted by some of them that a National Grand Lodge. It is asserted by some of them that a National Grand Lodge is illegal, and such a name was never on record until the << colored>> men, in 1847, organized a National Grand Lodge; but every well-informed Mason knows well that such statements are for the want of Masonic knowledge in the history of the craft. We refer you to Preston's Illustration, a work which probably dates among the earliest of Masonic literature. On page 255 find the following extract:

“At the Grand Lodge, held at Free Mason's Hall, on the 10th of April, 1799- - -the Baron de Silverhjelm Minister from his Majesty the King of Sweden to the court of Great Britain, presented to the G.M. in the chair the following letter from the National Grand Lodge of Sweden:

'---Strength, Health and Prosperity. To the Most Illustrious, Most Enlightened, Most Sublime, Most Venerable, and Venerable the National Grand Lodge of England, the National Grand Master Deputy,'”etc.

We also find in the Grand Lodge Register which contains a list of all the Grand bodies on the globe, that, in 1764, Switzerland established a Grand Lodge which was called the National Grand Lodge of Switzerland, and also, on the 18th day of December, 1757, the Masons of Holland established a National Grand Lodge.

Brethren: I could illustrate more fully the history of Free Masonry in the United States and foreign countries, among both whites and << colored>> , but as the committee appointed by the National Grand Lodge will at an early date lay before you more fully the history of our order, I will not continue this subject farther at this time, but will simply state to you that you know the history of these so called State Rights men in our State, for you have helped suspend many of them, even the one who styles himself their Grand Master. And let us congratulate you on the good condition of the G.L. of North America, and that you should be proud of the true link which connects us with the Prince Hall Lodge, and that seceding Masons have no claims on it, having long since forfeited all claims and right by secession. These seceders are becoming very weak, confusion being stamped upon their brows, and are falling to pieces among themselves. They see their future destiny and now cry for Union. The only union this Grand Lodge can give to such as they, is for them to turn back and renew their obligations or allegiance to the national compact, which is the only union we can recommend. As your representative, I voted against the so-called articles of Union, as you have seen in the columns of the Christian Recorder, and we therefore recommend that this grand body appoint a committee to consider my action, and to approve or disapprove it, and report the same to this body.

In conclusion, brethren, we ask you to look at he question before us. We have set forth the facts in the history of our existence that you may not be unadvised of the pending issue,. The result of your action as a Grand body is of such import to ourselves and our successors as to demand your gravest consideration and most deliberate action. In view of the responsibility resting upon each one of us, we ask you to prepare to meet the issues, on the decision of which will depend whether we will continue an honorable body, founded by our fathers on the basis of “truth, honor, and integrity,” or become a shadow of our former greatness, based upon broken vows, deceit, false pretensions, and treachery.

I remain your always, in the bond of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity,
Wm. D. Mathews,
Grand Master of Masons
Report of Committee on Grand Master's Address.

To the Most Worshipful King Solomon's Grand Lodge of the State of Kansas: Your committee appointed to examine and report on that portion of the Grand Master's Address referring to the so called “Articles of Union” as published in the Christian Recorder and other matters of interest to the craft as will appear, would respectfully submit the following:

To the M.W.G. Mister Wardens, and the R.W. Brethren of King Solomon's Grand Lodge: We your committee to whom was referred the Grand Master's Address, beg leave to submit the following report:

In reference to the appointment of R.W. Brother William Thomas Mumford as District Deputy Grand Master for the State of Missouri, and for the purpose of establishing Lodges in St. Louis and elsewhere under the compact, we heartily approve the same, and any such Lodges as he has or may organize, we hail and welcome them into the Great Brotherhood of our National Union.

We have had under consideration that portion of the Grand Master's address which refers to the history of << Colored>> Masonry in the Untied States, and find it an able document and of great interest and value to the craft throughout the National jurisdiction. We have also had under consideration that portion of the Grand Master's address which referred to his action in voting against the so-called Articles of Union in the convention that convened at Wilmington, Del., on May 10, 1878, and we most heartily approve and endorse the same as the sentiment of this Most Worshipful Grand Lodge. We would also express our earnest disapproval of the “Articles of Union” as proposed, and hereby enter our solemn protest against any and all such proposed union as set forth in said articles as published in the Christian Recorder, for the following reasons:

First, because it is of very doubtful expediency to enter again into any such proposed Union with a body with which we have had the sad experience of 1818, 1825, and 1847. What guarantees can we have of a continued union after the experience of those years?

Secondly, because the articles of so called union utterly fail to show any honorable course for the Grand Lodges under the national compact to enter into such proposed union. But, on the contrary, the said articles recommended the violation of our solemn obligations to the M.W. National Grand Lodge.

Thirdly, because the adoption of said articles will not subserve the ends of uniting all Masons of color in the United States, but rather cause further divisions in the future by encouraging secession and rebellion from the regularly constituted and recognized authorities, on any frivolous pretext to make another revolt and repeat the history of the past: and also, while it is evident that a large proportion will ever adhere to the national organization until honorably discharged by their oath or obligation, yet it is our duty to use all of our influence to preserve the harmony and union of our organization to this end.

Fourthly, because this King Solomon's Grand Lodge was, as all other legal State Grand Lodges have been organized and constituted by warrant and authority of the National Grand Lodge, and therefore to withdraw or secede would be a violation of our honor and fidelity; and therefore we believe that the only place or way to dissolve that the only place or way to dissolve our relationship, or to change our form of Masonic form of government, is in the said National Grand Lodge itself, in which we all have full and fair representation, with power to alter, change, or amend any question that may interest us or be for our general welfare.

Fifthly, because we believe that no better bond of union can be found than the present one, and that under any different organization that may or could be formed in this country with the so called State Rights or independent Masons, as proposed by said articles of union, divisions would ensue in a short time thereafter, because we cannot “unite light and darkness.”

Sixthly, because the said articles have no real power to accomplish anything. They are a meaningless shadow of what was once a Grand Lodge Union, deceptive and designing in purpose, […] mockery on the fair name and fame of Masonry, proposing to float from State to State and place to place for the purpose of settling difficulties between Grand Lodges without any law or constitutional authority so to do; pretending to be what they are not, and attempting to bring us in and compel us to fellowship and hold Masonic intercourse with expelled Masons who have been so expelled for unmasonic and disgraceful conduct, which is a Masonic crime for any one in good standing. Therefore, to hold Masonic intercourse with them would be a Masonic crime in us and should be avoided.

Seventhly, therefore, we earnestly recommend to all State Rights or independent (so-called) Masons to return to their allegiance and renew their obligations to the National Compact from whence they came, as the most honorable way to the settlement of this vexed question, that we may have peace, union, and prosperity throughout the length and breadeth of our Masonic borders.

Resolved, that this Grand Lodge renew the fidelity to the edicts and mandates of the M.W.G. Grand Lodge of North America, and in the future as in the past we will use [ ] honorable means to perpetuate her existence forever.

In conclusion we recommend the following:

Resolved, that a donation of fifty cents from each of the 600 Masons in good standing in the jurisdiction of this Grand Lodge be paid into the hands of the Secretary to be paid by order of the Grand Master to the National Grand Lodge to enable the National Grand Master to publish a true history of << colored>> Masonry in America and such other matters as in his judgment would be of benefit to the craft, and also to assist him in the publication of such other books as may prove a guide and benefit to the same in the great National jurisdiction.

Thomas Glover,
Jackson Harris,
Lemuel King,
Paris Parker,
E.L. Bradley,

On motion, the above report was received and adopted, at Lawrence, Kan., Oct. 10, 1878.

For the Christian Recorder.

A GALA DAY IN LEAVENWORTH,

KANSAS.

RECEPTION OF THE FIRST REGIMENT KANSAS

<< COLORED>> TROOPS.

MR. EDITOR: - The 1st << Colored>> Regiment of Kansas lately returned home from the South, and has since been mustered out of the service.

This regiment was distinguished not only for its valor and discipline, but as being the first << colored>> regiment raised in the free States. It was recruited and organized in Aug. and Sept., 1862.
Actuated by these considerations, our << colored>> citizens resolved to give them a reception worthy of them.
The reception included a procession, an address, and a dinner.
After marching through the principal streets, the procession marched to our new Church, in front of which a stand had been erected for the speakers. On the stand, among others, we noticed Gen. Williams (formerly Colonel of the Reg't,) and Lieut.-Col. Ward (now commander of the regiment.) The regiment, after being formed in front of the stand, was addressed by Mr. John H. Morris, to which Gen. Williams briefly responded; after which the Hon. D.R. Anthony (a true and tried friend of our race) cordially welcomed the men in behalf of our white fellow citizens.

After the speaking was over, the whole regiment partook of a dinner unsurpassed in this city, for the variety and abundance of the viands, the excellence of the cookery, and the neatness with which it was served. Mrs. Turner had the superintendence of the dinner, and animated with patriotic motives, she displayed more than her ordinary taste and energy.

Soldiers, I have been delegated by the << colored>> citizens of Leavenworth to express to you their joy at your return home safe from the dangers and vicissitudes of the war, and to return to you their thanks for your long and gallant services in defence of the government. But above all, I have been charged to express to you their profound gratitude for your ample and complete vindication of the courage and manhood of the African race.
Soldiers, it has been your fortune - and it will be a lasting title of renown - to have borne an honorable and conspicuous part in the greatest civil war recorded in history. A war distinguished on account of the extent of territory over which it has waged - the vast number of combatants engaged, the determined valor displayed by both parties, and the perfection of the arms and all the appliances of war used. All the elements of nature, and all the arts and sciences having been made tributary to the destructive energy of man.
But gigantic as have been the proportions of this war, and bloody as has been its incidents, they have not transcended in magnitude the importance of the question submitted to the arbitrament of arms. Viewed in its lesser proportions, the war has involved the life of this great nation - the perpetuity of republican institutions both here and elsewhere - and the liberty of 4,000,000 of bondmen, victims to long years of suffering and oppression. Viewed in its grander proportions, its higher aspects, this war has concerned all mankind - the present and future generations - for it has been but one phase of the never-ending, ever-recurring conflict, between right and wrong, justice and injustice, liberty and slavery. A grand and tragic scene in the great drama of the world's history.
Could less than a continent have served as a fit arena? Or should less than millions of men in arms have arbitrated such great issues?
I have always considered this as a providential war, and though the hand of God has not been so visibly displayed in this, as in some of the wars recorded in Holy Writ, as it was, for instance, when in a single night He destroyed the great Assyrian host when beleaguering Jerusalem. On that memorable occasion, when

"The angel of death spread his wings to the blast,
And breathed in the face of the foe as he passed,
And the eyes of the sleepers waxed deadly and chill,
And their hearts but once heaved and forever grew still."

Yet to the observing eye, the hand of God has [ ] on this war. Seen in the perversion of the [ ] their own destruction. Seen in the overthrow of the proud [ ]. Seen in the fall of the task-master and the liberty of the slave.
In the progress of this war, how many thousands have we seen fight for the liberty of the slave, though they loved slavery. Yes, fight to elevate the negro, though they hated him. God does indeed "move in a mysterious way his wonders to perform."
At the commencement of this war, few anticipated the great and momentous changes so soon to be wrought by it. The haughty Southerners, deluded by that madness with which it is said the gods afflict those whom they wold destroy, vainly thought that they might go forth and wage a war, the object of which was to fasten forever the chains on their bondsmen, whilst the slaves would contentedly obey them and labor their fields.
The Northerners, corrupted by unexampled prosperity, and forgetful of the traditions of their forefathers and the vital and animating principles underlying the very foundation of this government, severed their course from the cause of liberty, by proclaiming this to be the white man's war exclusively. The white man, eager for glory and greedy for honor, disdained the proffered services of the << colored>> man.
At first they would not even allow him to drive a wagon in the train of their army. Nay, more, they would not allow him to wear the cast off clothing of their soldiers, lest the imperial blue of the republic should be desecrated and dishonored.
It was under these circumstances - filled with insolence and pride - that the Northern Army, in obedience to the cry of "On to Richmond," marched to plant their standard on the walls of Richmond.
On their proposed pleasure excursion, they found themselves confronted at Bull's Run by an army animated by a sterner and more determined mood.
The rising sun of the ever memorable 21st of July, 1861, beheld the Northern host "in war's bright and stern array." Their burnished arms shone bright in the morning's sun, their silken banners glittering in the sun. But the parting rays of that same sun looked down on a baffled, routed, and disgraced host; their bright arms thrown away, and their silken banners trophies to the exulting rebels, or trailed in the dust. Forgetful of all their loud boasting, the Northern Army fled in wild haste towards Washington.
Th is hurried retreat has frequently been called the "Bull Run Race."
Now, I have read of thorough-bred race horses running twelve or even sixteen miles in a race, but in this celebrated race we saw twenty-five miles being made, with 40,000 entries without stopping - the goal was Washington, and the prize safety.
Though it may be an interesting fact to know that men can run twenty-five miles at once, when taxed to their utmost, yet it is mournful to reflect that all this speed and endurance was needlessly expended, for it is a historical fact that the rebels did not pursue the Union Army. Then why this disgraceful panic? These unmanly fears? It was because "the wicked fleeth when no man pursueth." It was because the good genius of the republic was chastising her favored yet recreant sons. Terrible as was this lesson, it did not suffice to teach the North to do justice and love mercy. Still ignoring principle, and relying on their superior numbers and almost boundless resources, the government called for "300,000 more." The whole North humbled by defeat and eager for revenge, sprang to arms. There was a gathering of the clans from the rivers to the lakes, and from ocean to ocean. We next see the young hope of the nation, the Napoleon of the West, Geo. B. McClellan, leading a still mightier host by a new route towards Richmond. The earth trembled beneath the tread of his legions, and the ocean was covered with his sails, but chained down by fate in the pestilential swamps of the Chickahominy, fearful to strike, and unwilling to retreat, he suffered the golden moments to pass until his army was decimated by disease, and the South gathered from her broad dominions her bravest and best sons, and hurled them with irresistible force upon his army. Indignant and sullen, our army sought safety beneath the guns of the fleet. It was during the gloom and despondency consequent on the failure of the Peninsula Campaign, that Abraham Lincoln - honor to his memory, peace to his sacred dust;

May the grass grow green o'er his grave,
And ne'er be trod by the foot of a slave.

I say that it was under these circumstances of gloom and despondency, that our beloved martyr President, lifting himself to the height of his great duties, issued the immortal Proclamation of Emancipation, proclaiming liberty to the oppressed millions.
When that battle-cry resounded throughout all the land, o'er rivers and plains, o'er mountains and glens, stern, black warriors started from mother earth like "clan Alpine warriors true." But even then the government could not entirely emancipate itself from the hateful spirit of caste. Still awed by the traditions of the past, it had not the courage to say, "We want you to fight in defense of the life of the nation;" but they said, "We want you as laborers, and for your better organization and control, we will enroll you in companies, and embody you into a regiment, and for your protection we will arm you." It was by this sneaking, back-door arrangement, that you were smuggled surreptitiously into the service of your country.
You made your first essay in arms at Island Mound, Missouri. There you convinced the fierce guerrilla bands of Western Missouri that negroes could fight. You convinced some by shooting "daylight" through them, others by beating their brains out with your clubbed muskets, and still others by lifting them from their saddles on the point of the bayonets. Stern, but conclusive logic.
You next encountered the foe at Cabin Creek, and won the plaudits of your white companions in arms, by the joyful alacrity with which you forded the swelling torrent, and scattered every thing that confronted you.
But it was at Holly Springs that you won your brightest laurels. There you found yourselves opposed by the famous Texan Rangers, and in answer to their shouts of hate you returned shouts of defiance. In answer to their fire you returned a fire more rapid, more accurate and more destructive. And when at the command of your gallant colonel, you rushed upon them with leveled bayonets, a forest of gleaming steel, you scattered them in a complete rout; scattered them like fallen leaves before the stormy blast of winter.
Though you have won lasting renown on these and other fields, you have not been exempt from the vicissitudes of war.
At Poison Springs, overpowered by ten times your numbers, after a long and gallant fight you were compelled to retreat; but you brought away your standards, and your bayonets were covered with blood, thus snatching new laurels from a lost field.
In conjunction with your worthy companions in arms, (the 2d Kansas << Colored>> Troops) you covered the retreat from Camden, of Steel's Army. The only trophies of that disastrous campaign, were won when the 2d Kansas << Colored>> Troops charged and captured a battery at Jenkins' Ferry. This was the only gleam of sunshine that illuminated a long night of disasters.
Soldiers, such has been your career; and at its close you return home - return as crusaders in the cause of liberty should return. You have returned victorious - proud of dangers past, of many toils cheerfully borne, and of honorable scars bravely won. You return with your standards, but their starry fields and silken folds are no longer bright and untarnished. They are begrimed and torn; but they have been begrimed by the smoke of battle, they have been rended by the balls of the foe.
You have borne those banners proudly aloft, full in the front of battle. You have encircled them with a wall of living fire. You have hedged them about with gleaming bayonets. You have carried them amid the din and wreck of battle far into the ranks of the foe, where the steel flashed brightest, and the Angel of Death reaped his harvest of men as the reaper reapeth the grass. But, my friends, you have not been the only men of our race who have won renown in this war. Our brethren in the east and the south have also fought the good fight, and have illustrated with their valor, and consecrated with their blood, the lines about Richmond and Petersburg, the walls of Fort Wagner and Fort Henderson, and the plains in front of Nashville. In fact, a hundred and fifty thousand black warriors have sustained the tottering fortunes of the Republic, and helped to hurl back to hell, from whence it came, the demon of treason. With unexampled unanimity the << colored>> people have been true to the cause of the Union. And now the question arises: what is to be their future political status? Are they to enjoy the full fruition of so many toils, of so much valor and devotion, or shall they still remain aliens in the land of their birth?
That foul conglomeration of native meanness and foreign depravity; that huge aggregation of corrupt demagogues and brutal ruffians, known as the Democratic party, driven from many a line of prejudice, has entrenched itself behind its last line of battle, and has thrown its standard to the breeze, inscribed with this hateful motto: "We are opposed to Negro Suffrage." - The Democratic party attempted to force slavery into Kansas. We know the result. They opposed the war for the preservation of the Union. The Union has been preserved. They opposed the arming of negroes. Behold the sable heroes seated among us. They opposed the Emancipation Proclamation. The slaves are all free.
Thus, continually beaten and retreating, they vainly hope to defend their citadel; but they cannot stay the onward march of the hosts of Freedom. Vain are the toils of those who fight against the gods. Let them measure their future hopes by their past disasters. Why should the Democrats, or any one else oppose our voting? - Well, hey say we are naturally inferior to the whites, and hence should not be admitted to an equality with them. It is not my purpose to enter into an argument to prove the equality of the races. It is sufficient to assert that the negro is a man; having said this, nothing more remains to be said in defence of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." No just comparison can be made between the two races.
The white man in this country is the ultimate product of long culture, and the heir to centuries of glory and dominion, whilst the Negro is the untutored child of nature, perverted, dwarfed and corrupted by engrafting two centuries of slavery on ages of barbarism. If our enemies would measure the capacity of the Negro, let them remove him from the cold shade of oppression, and place him full in the sunshine of liberty. Suppose the Negro is less intelligent, less meritorious and less provident than the white man; these are the evil heritages of slavery, soon to pass away under the all-transforming hand of liberty.
As a reward for our services in the cause of the nation, it is proposed in re-constructing the lately rebellious States, to hand the << colored>> people over to the tender mercies of the late rebels, to the end that they may vent their baffled rage and spite upon the poor negro. Such an arrangement would nullify the Emancipation Proclamation, and practically re-enslave the black population of those States. But such will not be the case. That noble party that sustained the war will make good the pledged faith of the nation, and preserve its honor unsullied.
The North needed and used the black men of the South in this war. Let them not delude themselves with the idea that they no longer need them. If reconstruction is permitted without at lest partial negro suffrage, we shall see a united Southern delegation in favor of the repudiation of the national debt. Their interests, their passions, and their prejudices, will alike impel them in this direction. They must, in the nature of things, consider this great debt as a burden imposed upon them by their conquerors, as a monument of their degradation.
Nor would they, in a war on the public credit, be without allies in the North. They may rely on their old scavengers, the Democratic leaders, to inflame the passions and pervert the judgment of the ignorant masses in the North, by depicting the national debt as the source of all the ills with which the body politic may be afflicted. When we reflect that the whole monetary system of the North rests on the national debt, we may form some faint idea of the wide-spread virus and misery that its repudiation or serious depreciation would occasion. I say to the people of the North, trust not the people of the South. Beware of their insidious wiles. What! Shall the North trust her honor and her prosperity in the hands of those who still mourn their blasted hopes, their wasted fields and their ruined cities?
Some propose to settle the vexed question of "What shall be done with the Negro," by removing him from the country. The whole thing is visionary and impracticable, the offspring of prejudice and hate, and ignoring the rights of the minority. We don't want to leave this country, and we don't intend to do it. If we had no other reason, we would not go, because our enemies want us to go. There is an old axiom that bids you not to do that which your enemies want you to do. We intend to remain here, because this is our country, though like an unkind step-mother, she would spurn us from her bosom; still she is our mother. Born beneath her skies, nurtured upon her soil, we know no other, claim no other country. It is ours by the right of a common nativity, language and religion. By all the fond associations that cluster around the name of home, kindred, country and friends. - Ours by the blood of our ancestors, shed in common with their white fellow-citizens, in the << Revolutionary War>> . And finally, it is our country, because we have done more than our share in reclaiming it from the domain of nature.
If we would leave this land, where in all the world could we hope to find so good a country? A land which the great Architect created of the universe in one of his kindest and grandest moods, and when done, smiled on his handiwork. A land whose eastern and western shores meet and repel the surges of two mighty oceans. A land whose northern plains are swept by chilling blasts, fresh from snowy plains and icy oceans, while its southern shores are fanned by soft breezes, laden with the perfume of spicy isles. A land whose long, meandering rivers drain broad and fertile plains, with room for empires. A land whose towering mountains pierce high toward the heavens, and are befringed with clouds and capped with everlasting snows. Who would leave such a country as this? Not we.

Soldiers, a word of parting. Adieu. You have won renown for yourselves, and honor for your race. You are now about to enter the peaceful walks of life. It should be your ambition to prove that you can be as useful in peace as you have been terrible in war. You have, by your courage, branded as a lie the assertion that black men were cowards. Now, by morality, industry and economy, brand that other lie that negroes are vicious, lazy and improvident.

I beg, I implore each and every one of you to take care of his money when he shall have been paid off. Put it in the bank or buy a little piece of property; but above all things do not let cunning sharpers, who are now lying in wait for you cheat you out of it at the gaming table. Shall these vampires, who have shunned the dangers of war, win the price of your manly toils and your honorable scars? Let not the cunning fox rob the lion of his prey.
In conclusion, I would say a word to the officers of this regiment. Gentlemen, you have doubtless observed, that in my remarks I have departed from the customary form of address on such occasions, which is, Officers and soldiers, Your good sense has doubtless told you, that this was the result of circumstances, and not due to any intentional discourtesy on my part. I but express the convictions of those for whom I speak, when I say, that since the hard fortune of our race necessitated that this regiment should be commanded by white men, it has been exceedingly fortunate in having you, gentlemen, for its officers. Its high state of discipline is a proof of your skill, and industry. Its glorious record is proof positive of your gallantry; for no regiment ever fought bravely, unless bravely led. We know of your general reputation for patience, forbearance, and kind treatment of these men. We know that you have often braved the anger of men in high places, in defence of their rights, thus proving your devotion to the great principles of liberty, justice, and humanity.
For these things, gentlemen, you have our heartfelt thanks, our profound gratitude. But, gentlemen, you will not be content with your past toils in defence of the noble principles you have espoused. You will continue to brave the prejudices of your race in defence of the rights of ours, by fighting in the van of the army of political equality, as you have in the army of liberation. What says the heroic Williams, the gallant Ward, the brave Armstrong, and others, and all, all of you, gentlemen? But I need not ask, I know that we may rely on your active, energetic cooperation, until liberty in all its fair proportions, unshorn and unrestricted, has been made the paramount faith of this nation. Then, the Republic, unvexed by internal dissensions, reposing on a broad and enduring base of equal and exact justice to all men, baptized anew in the fountain of liberty, and regenerated with that life-giving principle, will go on to the completion of her noble destiny, and live in coming ages the wonder and admiration of the world, surpassing in glory and grandeur all that is told of the past, all that we behold in the present, and all that the brightest visions of the future disclose.

ORIGIN, HISTORY AND HOPES OF THE

NEGRO RACE.
---

We transfer to our columns, from the Cheltenham, England, Free Press, of the 26th ultimate, the following copious extracts from a lecture before the Cheltenham Literary and Philosophical Institution, by Samuel R. Ward, upon the subject named above: -

You will excuse me if I tell you a short story about the Origin of the Negro Race. The reason is, being a department of the human race, the origin of other human races is their origin. We are from Noah. Noah from Adam, Adam from God, and so are all. It is hardly to be supposed I should stoop to discuss whether the Negro belongs to the human family or not; or whether they are essentially inferior. Others who please may amuse themselves with such inquires, but to me this is a matter alike forbidden by self respect and the indications of history and philosophy. So much of their origin if the rest of my speech is as sort, it will be a highly satisfactory one. As to the history of our people. Our slavery history is given to us in a very peculiar manner. I have not been able to find, from the little researches I have been able to make anything like a direct and succinct history of a comprehensive history of the Negro race, but floating along down the tide of history, I find something said about them though we have not has historians who have kept records and handed tem down. You read something of them in Diodorus, Siculus, Herodotus, and Moses. Concerning the testimony of Herodotus, as remarks has been made by Alexander H. Everett, who belongs to the great literary family of Everett, at Massachusetts, a relation of Edward Everett, minister plenipotentiary to the courts of St. James' and first particular in stating who Mr. Everett is, as the quotation. I am about to give is rather an extraordinary one. Speaking before the Massachusetts Colonization Society, which is very far from being friendly to the black man, he said: - Mr. President trace this civilization of which we are so proud of its origin. We had it from our European ancestors; they had it from the Greeks and Romans, who had it from the hews, - the Jews for m the Egyptians, and Ethiopians - in other words from Africa. Moses graduated in a college of Egypt - a black college. Moses was here presumed to the throne of Egypt. The ruins of Egypt will be what they now are - the wonder and admiration of civilization when St. Peter's and St. Paul's the wonders of Rome and of London, shall have crumbled in the dust. Pythagonras and others visited Ethiopia to give the finishing touch to their studies; and it was common for the Greeks to send their children to Egypt and Ethiopia to be educated. There are those who deny that the Egyptians were black. Herodotus says they were black, and I can't bring myself to believe that Herodotus, the father of history, did not know black from white when he saw it. This is highly flattering to the Negro race, but it is a quotation. A white mans says it, and it must be true. Diodorus Siculus describes their mythology which was evidently purer than this of other nations by whom they were surrounded. They believed in one God, the Supreme ruler of the universe, the maker, the highest worship His … - that He delighted in the virtuous of the human family and not in horrid sacrifices this was coming very near to the ideas of the true God. When you read Moses and other writers in the bible you find references to them. You remember that Moses married among them - that his sister was displeased with this marriage than that God smote her with leprosy and made her rather whiter that was agreeable to her in consequence of her feelings to her black sister in law. - Moses graduated in a college under black professors. Moses was hero presumptive to the throne of Egypt.
Now and then there is a Negro that leaves the Institutions that persecuted him, and steps forth into some Canada where he may be a freeman; now and then some broken hearted woman will sigh and pine and welcome death rather than slavery; but take them generally they have endured a slavery unparalleled for 240 years. This has put to flight some peace nations - that if you will patiently endure the evils put upon you, if you will receive with a smile the whip and the toe of a tyrant, bye and bye you reach his heart and make him relent. The bold, bad falsehood, is stamped upon this seeing that that Negro has proved that the more he will bear the more he may bear. I ask whether he is not equal to any man that has suffered slavery. He stand comparable to the Anglo Saxons under the Mormons, or any other oppressed people. Not only is the Negro patient and gentle, but he has such religion as we see but few specimens of in this country. My own father if you will excuse a family references to one who is not a saint in heaven - my own father has gone, to bear a favorite preacher five miles, after a hard day's work, when he knew that he should be severely flogged when he returned. I need hardly say he died a calm and peaceful death, when Christ was served at the expense of all that was dear to the man.
That he should maintain a moral character when the natural and unnecessary means of this sustenance is denied him, is a matter that may well make other than black men marvel. The Negro, when not religious sustains amoral character equal to any depressed people. Some men who are not very much depressed have a character not much better than the Negroes. When I see the results of … Negro does not fairly sustain … family honors of the Negro race. The ancient Negro was a solder; can as much be said of the modern Negro? For illustration I will make the largest drafts on my native country. In the << Revolutionary War>> , what war between this country and the American colonies, half a million of Negroes were engaged and the placed there bosoms to the British musketry and cannonary, as bravely as any whofought. Among those who sidled the sacred person of George Washington, was a trusty Negro in whom the general greatly confided. In the battle of Bunker Hill, there was a brace Negro who jumped on the ramparts and fired 19 shots, and as the Yankees tell, killing a man each time. - There was a corps of soldiers from the state of Pennsylvania, in which was a Negro James Forten, who did his part bravely. In Rhode Island, a British regiment attacked a white company near where some blacks were working. The British were too strong for the whites, but the brace blacks boor down upon them and conquered them. It was brave fighting and you admire bravery even in an enemy. Andrew Jackson twice called out a regiment of blacks. When Mr. Packenham was our minister, he was called Don to dine in Louisiana, and the Negro who waited upon him took an occasion stealthily in the passage to ask Mr. Packenham whether he was any relation to Sir Edward Packenham, and on being told that he was his brother, inform Mr. Packenham that the was in the engagement in which Sir Edward Packenham fell. The master, on being spoken to was quite annoyed that the Negro has addressed Mr. Packenham but said it was quite true, Sam was in that engagement and did noble deeds. The next day Mr. Packenham sent a not with a care for Sam to dine with him the next day. He did so, and Mr. Packenham heard from ism particulars which he could et from no other source. - That Sam a and is now a slave! Those Negroes who fought bravely were returned back to slavery. That is Anglo Saxon honor to the Negro race; these are the people who are so superior to the race of Ham; these are the people who are offended when a Negro comes between the wind and their mobility. They ask their assistance in times, to try men's souls and carcasses too, but when the smoke of the battle has rolled over, then the Negro is only fit for a hewer of wood and drawer of water, and quite inferior to the human family. In 1837, when our country was very much disturbed by a rebellion which called out soldiers in behalf of her Majesty's Government, the blacks of Canada did their full share under Colonel the Honorable John Prince of this and colonel McNab. These black soldiers did their share as bravely as any other men in her Majesty's Canadian army. If the ancient Negro was a soldier, the modern Negro has shown himself no whenever opportunity has been afforded. Henry Dyer's descendants wear a cross granted to them by the Portuguese Government for taking a fort which no general could take. General Dumas, a Negro, the father of Alexander Dumas, was with the army which Napoleon drove over the Alps. Napoleon crossed over in June; marshal McDonald was driven over it in December. Marshals McDonald sent General Dumas to say it was impossible to pass in the winter when great avalanches of snow were falling down threatening to destroy the army. Napoleon's reply was - “Go and tell Marshal McDonald where one man can pass over and army canvass over single field; in order is not to be countermanded.” The order was obeyed though at the cost of many lives. One of the generals that made the pass was the black general Dumas.
(Here follow allusions to the military services of << colored>> men in New York; then a mention of Messrs. Garnett, Crummill, William Douglass, bishop Paine and Dr. Pennington, Professors Reason and Allen, Frederick Douglass, William H. Day, and Miss Shadd and other eminent for there talents in America, in the pulpit, the school, the Editor's chair, or as writers, mechanics or artists.)
In this part of Europe it is unnecessary to mention Alexander Dumas, who writes more novels than any other writer, and better one, with the exception of Uncle Tom's Cabin. He was once asked by an impertinent fellow who his ancestors were? What his father was? He said a mulatto. And what was your grandfather? A Negro. What his father? An ape? My paternity begins where yours ended. In the United States was have no statesmen among the blacks. Is that strange, seeing that there are 31 states with black men in and only five in which they vote on terms of equality; in one other, to enable a Negro to vote he must own to 250 dollars worth of real property. Because I happened to have a little property, in that state, I was allowed to bite, but I have not allowed to vote because I was a man. The states in which the Negroes vote on terms for equality are Maine, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire. James fortune, and the others, after aiding in the struggle were robbed of their right to vote. There was not ware that needed his assistance. He was not needed to be agin put on a New Jersey prison shop, take in his chest an American officer, walk the gangway with his chest on his shoulder and thus save the officer's life. When the man was an old man of three score years of ten, he was robbed of the right of voting because in every other country except the United States, the blacks who are free meet with respect. Look at Mr. Jordan in the island of Jamaica; look at the black statesmen of Brazil; there are black clergymen and lawyers in the highest walks of life. It was so in the British West India islands, in the French West India, and in Surinam; but in the United States a man's black complexion keeps him out of his rights. No wonder then that in the United States the blacks are not statesmen. In Canada, my principles being quite liberal, I went among the blacks and I thought all I had to do was to lay down the platform for them to walk upon; but they read me Canadian politics like a hook; they gave me to understand why they voted the opposite ticket. I found they could tell me the administration of seven or eight Governments past; I just stood and learned and made up my mind that therefore I talked to blacks again about politics, I would learn something bout them. We see in Canada how easily they begin to study a thing when it an be practically useful. Then there were poets in the olden times. The poems of Phillis Wheatly were complimented by Washington and Thomas Jefferson. In Cuba, Placido wrote beautifully but rather too freely for the rulers who imprisoned him. He wrote upon the wall of his dungeon a verse in Spanish to the effect that it is no matter what a man was blessed be God he could die a freeman if he could not live a freeman. James M. Whitfield writes poems that have astonished almost everybody that reads them. I was desirous of seeing him and expected to find him engaged in some literary pursuits. I found him a cook on board a steam boat, and between the hours of cooking diner he would scratch off the poems which had excited such admiration. There was a black poet in Russia - upon whose death bed princes did attend. His first name was Alexander, but I cant remember his last name; here was a person who lately died, and he may be placed among the list of black poets. There are other things that Negroes have done. The British world was astonished by a “Black Swan,” Eliza T. Greenfield. She was sport, and had to live at service, but she had an eye and ear and soul for music. She was determined to make some progress in music, and she held upon this expedient. She would take a class of young persons to teach and so ground herself in the rudiments, and get additional money over and above that to purchase for herself further instruction. - … with much success that tho' the principal nobility she astonished all those who hard her. She has sung before the most brilliant circles and everywhere where she has sung, she has been admired. The compass of her voice extends from the highest pitch to the lowest pitch. I never heard a man who could sing lower bass. Sir David Brewster, after hearing her, turned to mea and said, “She has two distinct voices.” - In the historic art there is Ira Aldridge, and those who have seen him say that tin the performances of Othello, Mr. Aldridge has no superior even in Charles Kean. Among orators we have Douglass, Crummill, and Garnet. After I had written these notes, I called Don one of your celebrated artists and he would have the sun to shine on my ugly gave among the blacks we have some of that same sort.” I knew a Negro named Smith, an historical painter, a man of loose habits but of great talents; when sober he could earn any amount of money evening that prejudiced country. Mr. Reason, and engraver, is brother of Professor Reason. - One of the best Daguerria artist in Hartford is Mr. Washington. In Ohio, the is Mr. Ball. In Philadelphia, there is Mr. Brown, who has received commendations where a black man is more despised than anywhere. To rise above the prejudices must require more talent than floating along the stream like a dead fish. In Africa, the modern Negro is quite powerful. Near the lake Chard a race of Negroes have been found 7 feet high in height, and living in a state of far advanced civilization. They had a good degree of literature that must have been handed down by their Ethiopian forefathers. I leave it for the audience to say whether the modern Negro, oppressed degraded, trodden on and insulted, sustains the honors of his ancient family.
Mr. Ward concluded his speech by an eloquent and hopeful review of the prospect of the enfranchisement and elevation of the people of color, representing many encouraging facts in justification of his anticipations. The address was heard with a lively interest and many demonstrations of sympathy. - P. Freeman.

THE NATIONAL ERA.
WASHINGTON, JUNE 11, 1849.
THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH.
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BY ELLWOOD FISHER.
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Lecture on the North and the South, delivered before the Young Men's Mercantile Library Association of Cincinnati, Ohio, January 16, 1849.

(CONCLUDED.)

It has generally been supposed that the paupers of Massachusetts and New York are principally foreign emigrants, but this is a mistake. In the 5,580 paupers of Massachusetts in 1836, only 1,192 were of foreign birth - but little over one-fifth, which does not probably exceed the proportion then of that population in the State. In 1845, of 1,016 persons admitted into the alms-houses of Boston, 190 were foreign of whom 382 were Irish; but that was the year of Irish famine. In 1848, of 18,993 paupers received into the alms-houses of Massachusetts, 7,413 were foreigners.* We do not know what proportion of the people of that State are foreigners; in Boston, there is about one-third.

When pauperism extends to the class that are able to labor, it is evident that the wages of labor are reduced to the cost of subsistence. And hence the whole class must be subjected to the melancholy and terrible necessity of working, rather to avoid the poor-house, than of bettering their condition; and the pauper is an alms-house is a slave. He works under a master, and receives nothing but a subsistence. And there are already in New York and Massachusetts about one hundred thousand persons in this condition, about an equal number occasionally so, and they are increasing at the rate of two hundred per cent., whilst the whole population does not increase twenty per cent. in ten years. In Cincinnati, the number of paupers, permanent and occasional, already amounts to two thousand.

Whilst the property of the North is thus compelled to contribute to the support of this great and growing burden, and the labor of the North must not only assist in its support also, but must work in competition with it, they are subjected to another mighty evil, which springs from, or at least is aggravated by, the same causes - and that is crime.

The number of convicts in the three penitentiaries of New York - Auburn, Sing Sing, and Blackwell's Island - is about two thousand. In the penitentiary of Virginia there are only one hundred and eleven whites, and eighty-nine blacks. This indicates four times the amount of crime in proportion to the white population in New York, as in Virginia. In Massachusetts there were in 1847 two hundred and eighty-eight persons in the State prison, which indicates more than twice the crime in that State as in Virginia. Taking all the New England States together, their penitentiary convicts are twice as numerous in proportion to population as in Virginia, as will be seen by consulting the American Almanac for 1849. It contains sketches of the criminal statistics of the several States, and is New England authority. In Ohio, there are four hundred and seventy persons in the penitentiary - in Kentucky, one hundred and thirty- Ohio being twenty-five per cent. the most, according to population. According to the returns of the Kentucky penitentiary, one-half of her convicts, for the last ten years, came from the single county in which Louisville, her principal town, is located - and one-third of the whole number were born in free States. So much for the States of the North - agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial, old and new - as compared with those of the South, in crime. The results are uniformly and largely in favor of the South.

If we turn to the official reports of crime in the great cities of the North, we behold a state of society exhibited, at which the mind is appalled. In Boston, the number of persons annually arraigned for crime exceeds four thousand; and of this number, about one-third are females. So that one person out of every fourteen males, and one out of every twenty-eight females, is arrested annually for criminal offences. There may be some who are arraigned more than once a year, but, on the other hand, there must be many who escape detection altogether.

In New York, the proportion of crime is about the same, some eighteen thousand persons having been arrested there last year. Of these, it is aid, six thousand were for drunkenness; twelve thousand were committed to the Tombs for examination, of whom ten thousand were committed for trial. Of these, there were sentenced to the State prison, 119 men, and 17 women; to the penitentiary, 700 men, and 170 women; to the city prison, 162 men, and 67 women; total, 981 men, and 245 women; showing an amount of crime, in a single city, greater than in all the Southern States together. In the Kentucky penitentiary there is not a single woman - in the Virginia, I believe, there is none.

The enormous amount of crime in the Eastern cities, which already rival the depravity of those of Europe, has been ascribed to the multitude of European emigrants. But the returns do not sustain this plea. Of 7,009 persons in the jails and houses of correction in Massachusetts in 1847, only 1,165 were natives of foreign countries. This is less than one-fourth of the whole number, and cannot vary materially from the proportions of the foreign and native population in the State.*

Whilst the South has been so much more secure than the North in life and property from individual crime, it has been, at least, equally exempt from social disturbance. The apprehensions of danger, from the dissimilarity of its white and black population, have not been realized. The proportion of white and black remains as at first, about two to one. Even in Brazil, where this proportion is reversed, where there are two blacks to one white, tranquillity has reigned for a quarter of a century. And it is remarkable that Brazil and the United States, the only two nations on this continent where African slavery prevails, are the only two which have succeeded in the establishment of stable and flourishing social and political institutions. In all the Spanish American States where the attempt has been made to introduce political equality among distinct and dissimilar races, it has been followed by incessant insurrection, anarchy, poverty, vice, and barbarism.

When the union between the North and South, under our present Constitution, was formed, the social, political, and economical operation of the institutions peculiar to each were matters of theory and conjecture. We have now had the experience of half a century, and the result is before us in the facts I have presented - facts against which neither speculative philosophy, nor sectional prejudice, egotism, or fanaticism, can prevail.

It will be observed I do not compare whole population of the North with the whole population of the South. I am now comparing the whites, only, of both sections, it being the first object to ascertain the effects of their respective institutions on the whites of the two sections. I do not compare Northern cities with Southern - but the white people, rural and urban, together, of one section, with those of the other. I have referred more particularly to Northern cities, because they contain so large, if not the largest portion of Northern population, and are the boast and characteristic of the Northern system. I have also preferred to compare the old States of the sections, not only because they are similar in climate and productions, but because in them the effects of the two systems are more developed, and, as has been contended, to the great disadvantage of the South.

There is a class of topics of a more intangible nature, but not the less important, and which are much insisted on in this controversy, that now remain to be briefly considered. It is urged that religion and education are more prevalent and flourishing in the North than in the South. It is true that the form of religion existing in New England, and by law established, was extremely strict and self-denying - as that of Virginia, the Episcopal, was then one of the most indulgent of Protestant sects. But it is well known that the Puritan character has been rapidly degenerating and passing away. Indeed, the forms of that faith are no longer dominant in Boston, the ancient sent of its power, and in their place the Unitarians have prevailed, and they are gaining ground rapidly in New England. A change has occurred in Virginia, but a change in the opposite direction. Instead of the Episcopalians, the Baptists are predominant in Virginia. Thus, under the operation of their respective institutions, the religion of Massachusetts has receded from one of the most strict, to one of the most relaxed systems of the Protestant faith - while Virginia has advanced from one of the most indulgent, to one of the stricter forms of religious discipline. There are no means of ascertaining the number of members in all the churches in the several States. Virginia has about eighty thousand of Baptists alone; she has thirty thousand Methodists,* and a larger proportion yet of Episcopalians, than any other State. Altogether, she must have her full proportion.

But it is in education that the North claims the great pre-eminence over the South. In Massachusetts, according to the census of 1840, there were but 4,448 white persons, above the age of twenty, who could not read and write - and in Virginia, there were 58,787. In Ohio, there were 35,364; in Kentucky, 40,016; in Illinois, 27,502; in Mississippi, 8,360. Thus it appears, that whilst there are more than twelve times as many illiterate persons in the oldest Southern, as in the oldest Northern State, the proportion changes as we advance westward, until we find a greater proportion of them in a new State of the North, than in one of the South. And thus it seems that in the new States, where children are not educated at public expense, and where, therefore, their parents must provide for them, the children of the South are better educated; or rather, perhaps, it would seem that the emigration from the North is much more ignorant than the South. Still, however, the odds of school instruction are decidedly with the North. This results from obvious causes. The territorial area of Virginia is probably nine times as great as that of Massachusetts. If, therefore, Virginia were disposed to adopt the common school system, it would require nine times the school-houses and teachers to afford the same conveniences for attending school, that exist in Massachusetts. Virginia is a thinly settled agricultural State, intersected by several ranges of mountains. In many places, there could not be found ten scholars in ten square miles. In such places, a population might be able to live comfortably, but not to establish a school, or send their children abroad to boarding schools. Hence, there must be a considerable number without schools. In commercial and manufacturing States, or those of small farms and dense agricultural population, this evil is not so much felt.

But Virginia has a system of oral instruction, which compensates for the want of schools - and that is her social intercourse. The social intercourse of the South is probably much greater than that of any people that ever existed. There is certainly nothing like the number of visits among the families of a city, or even the same square in a city, as prevails in the country of the South. And these visits are not fashionable calls, but last for days and weeks - and they are the great resource of the South for instruction and amusement. It is true that persons are not taught, at such places, to read or write, but are taught to think and converse. They are the occasions of interchanging opinions, and diffusing intelligence; and to perform the duties, to enjoy the pleasures, of such intercourse - to please, to shine, to captivate, requires a degree of mental culture, which no custom of the North so much demands. Accordingly, the South exhibits the remarkable phenomenon of an agricultural people distinguished above all others of the present day, by the elegance of their manners, and the intellectual tone of their society.

The North excels in books. In History, she has Bancroft and Prescott; in Poetry, Bryant, Halleck, and Whittier; in Criticism, Everett and Channing. In sculpture, she has produced a Powers. Her Franklin has drawn the lightning from heaven, and taught it to play harmlessly around our very hearths. Her Morse has even given letters to lightning, and lightning to letters! The North excels in the arts and the physical sciences, in inventions and improvements. She excels in associative action, not merely for railroads and manufactures, but for literary, benevolent, and religious objects. I do not desire to detract one iota from her exalted merits and high civilization. But in individual character and individual action, the South excels. For a warm heart and open hand, for sympathy of feeling, fidelity of friendship, and high sense of honor - for knowledge of the sublime mechanism of man, and reason and eloquence to delight, to instruct, and to direct him - the South is superior; and when the North comes into action with the South, man to man, in council or in the field, the genius of the South has prevailed, from the days of Jefferson to Calhoun, from Washington to Taylor. And it is to the solitude which the rural life of the South affords, so favorable to reflection, and it is to the elevated rural society of the South, so favorable for the study of human nature, that we must ascribe those qualities of persuasion and self-command by which her statesmen and captains have moved the public councils, and won so many a field.

The abolition of African Slavery in the South has been urged for many years by a portion of Northern people; and now its restriction to its present territorial limits is the avowed purpose of almost every Northern State. The basis on which this policy rests is the assumption that slavery is sinful and unprofitable. The means now relied on to arrest its future progress is not the persuasion of the people of the slaveholding States, but the numerical power of the free States, acting through the Federal Government. Suppose, now, the South had a majority of votes, and were to announce its determination to arrest the further progress of commerce and manufactures, in consequence of their poverty, pauperism, crime, and mortality, what would be the sentiment everywhere felt in the North? Why, one of the indignation, scorn, and resistance. Such does the South feel now!

When the North American colonies confederated for resistance to Great Britain, the territorial area of the Southern portion of them was 648,202 square miles; that of the Northern, only 164,081, or about one fourth as large. Virginia alone had, by royal charter, the whole Northwestern Territory in her limits, and during the war had confirmed her title by the patriotism and valor of her own citizens, who rescued even Illinois from British power. But before the present Constitution was formed, Virginia, with a magnanimity almost infatuated, had ceded to the Confederacy, for the formation of free States, the whole Northwestern Territory, now constituting the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, containing 261,681 square miles, and making the territory of the free States rather more than that of the slaveholding. The object of this cession and the Ordinance of 1787 was to equalize the area of the two sections. The acquisition of Louisiana, in 1803, added 1,138,103 square miles to our territory, of which, by the Missouri Compromise, the South obtained only 226,013 square miles, or about one fifth; the other four fifths, notwithstanding it came to us as a slaveholding province, were allotted to the North, which thus had acquired more than seven hundred thousand square miles of territory over the South. Florida and Oregon were acquired by the treaty of 1819, by which the South got 59,286 square miles, and the North 341,463 - making the North about one million of square miles the most. In 1845, Texas was annexed, which added only 325,520 square miles to the South, even if all Texas were included. In 1848, we obtained 526,078 square miles more, in the Territories of New Mexico and California. And now the North claims the whole of this also; and not only this, but half of Texas besides, which would make the share of the North exceed that of the South nearly one million five hundred thousand square miles - a territory about equal in extent to the whole valley of the Mississippi, and leaving the South only about 810,812 square miles, while the North retains 2,097,124, or nearly three fourths of the whole! and this, too, when the South contributed her full share of men and money by which the whole territory was obtained. In the << revolutionary war>> , the South furnished an average of 16,714 men in each year, and the North 25,875, which nearly corresponds with their respective numbers of citizens; and that, too, although the war was waged chiefly against the large cities of the North - cities being in war the most tempting and the most vulnerable points of attack. In the war with Mexico, the South supplied two thirds of the volunteers, which constituted three fourths of the entire force employed. The revenue by which these wars have been supported, the public debt paid, and the price for the territory furnished, has been raised chiefly by duties which have notoriously operated designedly and incidentally to promote the industry and capital of the North, and to oppress those of the South.

If, after all this, the South should submit to be plundered of her share of the territory now in dispute, when, as an agricultural people, she requires her full proportion, she would be recreant to her interests, her power, her right, her honor, and her fame - recreant to her history and her destiny.
One of the proposed objects of these Northern reformers is to promote the prosperity of the South. I have shown that she wants none of their aid, and that there are at home thousands of criminals to reform, and hundreds of thousands of paupers to be relieved, on whom their philanthropy may be exhausted.
Is it for the welfare of the slave they are contending? I hold it to be the duty even of him who undertakes to subvert the established order of things, to manifest at least as much respect for experience as experiment; and it so happens that the experience of emancipation has been ample and diversified.

In Hayti, the black, after exterminating the white population, remained independent and isolated, the exclusive architect of its own institutions and destiny. The result is, that they have relapsed into pristine barbarism. The exports of Hayti amounted in 1789 to about twenty-five million of dollars; they do not now amount to one tenth of that sum. The Haytien contents himself with the cultivation of a few yams for a mere subsistence, and a mere hut for a dwelling. The blacks and mulattoes are at civil war, and yesterday's papers announced that an army of twenty thousand men was advancing against the principal town, Port au Prince.

Another plan of emancipation is to send the liberated to Liberia. But besides the expense of such a system, which renders it impracticable, it is attended with the death of from one fourth to one half of the emigrants by the coast fever.

The third plan attempted is that by the British, in their West Indies - the plan of gradual abolition by apprenticeship, and ultimate equality of black and white; and this also has failed. The exports of Jamaica have already, in the first ten years of the experiment, fallen one half. The negroes refuse to work, even for high wages, beyond what is necessary for mere subsistence; the planters are bankrupt, plantations are already abandoned, and the island is hastening to the condition of Hayti.

The fourth plan of emancipation is that which has been going on with us - that of manumission by the will of the master, the freedman remaining with black and white, or seeking other States. This experiment has not succeeded. The emancipated slave does not appear to be willing to perform the amount of work necessary to enable him to compete successfully with the white laborer. In the State of New York, the Constitution conferred the right of suffrage on << colored>> persons owning $250 worth of property. Yet in the city of New York, in 1845, out of 11,939 << colored>> people, there were only 103 voters; and, notwithstanding their numbers are augmented by frequent manumissions and fugitive slaves, they do not increase so rapidly as the slave population, which is evidence that their condition is not so comfortable. It is also a curious fact, that of 386,293 free persons of color in 1840, nearly half (183,766) preferred to remain in the slave States, where certainly, as a class, they are treated with no peculiar favor. In Massachusetts, where so much sympathy is expressed for them, they cannot or will not live. There are less now of them in Boston than there was twenty years ago; and in both Virginia and Massachusetts there are ten times as many free << colored>> people in the penitentiary as their proportion of the white population. Is it, then, for the sake of such emancipation as the West Indian, which results in idleness, barbarism, and civil war among the blacks - or for Liberian, which exterminates - or the American, which subjects them to crime and want - that Philanthropy would undertake to overturn the unrivalled system of Southern civilization?
But we are told that slavery is an evil. Well, so is war an evil, and so perhaps is government itself an evil, since it also is an abridgement of liberty. But one of the first objects of our Constitution is to provide for war - for the common defence. And the People of the United States prefer the evil of war, to the greater evils of being plundered and subdued. They prefer the evil of government to the greater evil of anarchy. So the people of the South prefer slavery to the evils of a dense manufacturing and commercial population, which appear to be inevitable without it; and the black man may prefer the slavery of the South to the want, the crime, the barbarism and blood, which attend his race in all other countries. In the practical affairs of human life in its present state, choice of evils is frequently all that is in our power. Good and evil in fact become relative, and not positive terms. And the necessity is recognised by the example of our Saviour, who applied the extreme remedy of the lash to the money-changers who profaned the temple. It is consistent for a rigid sect like the Quakers to oppose slavery, because they proscribe and repudiate war and luxury, and all other evils. And we may all hope for the time to come, when in the progress of Christianity the evils of slavery in the South, and those of pauperism, crime, and mortality, in the North, will be greatly mitigated or abolished. But the North can now make no protest, because the luxurious system of Northern civilization not only subjects the great mass of people to unwonted labor and privation, but actually sacrifices in peace a greater amount of life than is usually expended by communities at war.

If then, the welfare of neither white nor black in the South would be promoted by the restriction or abolition of slavery, would the prosperity of the North be advanced? The only thing of which the North complains, on its own account, is the ratio of representation fixed by the Constitution, which gives the South a vote equal to three-fifths of the blacks. But, on the other hand, in consequence of the existence of slavery in the South, the North has a monopoly of foreign emigration. This amounted, as we have seen, from 1829 to 1840, to a million and a half, including its increase. In the previous thirty years it must have been, with its increase to this day, at least half a million more. Since 1840 it has amounted to a million besides. So that the North has the vote and the power of three millions of people, against the political power which slavery now confers, and that is equivalent to a white population only of about two millions.

And furthermore, by the peculiar agricultural employment of Southern industry and capital, the South is a customer and consumer of Northern manufactures and commerce, and of Northwestern agriculture. Abolish slavery, and convert the South into a people of mechanics, artisans, and merchants, and instead of being a customer, she becomes a competitor of the other section. And if the march of pauperism, crime, and mortality, of the North, be so great now, what would it be then?

The condition of modern civilization is far more laborious and oppressive than the ancient. The seats of ancient science and the arts were in the mild climates of the Mediterranean shore, or in the south of Asia and Europe. And in America, the ruins of her unrecorded civilization are to be found in Palenque and Copan, all in a similar climate. The genius of England has carried civilization to a more northern latitude, and that of America has extended it, if not higher in latitude, to a still more rigorous climate than that of England. The wants of such a climate are great and imperious. The cost of fuel alone in the city of New York exceeds $16,000,000 annually. The clothing must be much warmer, the houses more substantial, the food more nourishing, and all more expensive than a milder climate. And this great augmentation of the burdens of civilized life must be borne in the North by freemen, not, as of old, by slaves. Hence have we seen the fearful struggle of Northern labor for subsistence, notwithstanding the immense aid it has derived from modern machinery and invention. But take from that labor the custom, and subject it to the competition of the South, where so much less is required for subsistence, and that so much cheaper, and the result would be as ruinous to the present system of the North as to that of the South. These two great systems have grown up together. That of the North could not have so much expanded without a market in Southern agriculture; nor could this have grown so great, but for the demand and supplies of the North. Together they have flourished; together they must falter and fall. To restrict, therefore, the territorial extension of the South, and by circumscribing its industry render it unprofitable, is to restrict and paralyze the prosperity of the North in all its departments. Together, these institutions have marched harmoniously to that eminence and success which have won the prosperity of both at home, and extorted the admiration of the world abroad. If either should fall by the hand of the other, the crime would not only be fratricide, it would be suicide; and over the mouldering ruins of both would deserve to be written the epitaph - Here were a people who disputed about the capacity of the African for liberty and civilization, and did not themselves possess the capacity to preserve their own.

* American Almanac, 1849.

THE RT. REV. RICHARD ALLEN,

FIRST BISHOP OF THE A.M.E. CHURCH.
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The eighteenth century gave to the world many great men, and formed the arena upon which they played mighty games - whose results gave new life to poetry, lifting it above the light and airy notions into the solid skies of religion and theology; brought philosophy out of its old dogmas, placing it upon the sure foundation of intuition, observation, experience and illustration; modified great governments and even created new ones. In this century were born Edwards and Byron, Pope and Steele, Dr. Johnson and Carlyle, Cornwallis and Washington, John Quincy Adams and Thomas Jefferson, Wellington and Napoleon, Whitfield and Wesley, Coker and Allen. Ten years after the middle of the eighteenth century Richard Allen was born in the little city of Philadelphia, having no more than 100,000 inhabitants, in the “Forrest of Penn.” But Philadelphia was not a free city, nor was Pennsylvania a free State, nor situated in a free country, for all that territory now known as the United States was then subject to foreign powers. Nothing more than the most formal and loose notion of self-government pertained, and but the shadow of a general government. The dark form of slavery had shed its baneful influence over the land for more than a century; the constant work of clearing the forest, laying off the country into towns with highways, watching the Indians and controlling the slave class had brought the colonies into the mere promise of a united government. But soon after the birth of Richard Allen unendurable oppression from dominating governments drove the American forces together in a compact for mutual protection against their foreign masters. This led to the << Revolutionary war>> , in which our hero had his part, only as a teamster, it is true, but it requires no little courage to be connected with that which is often of more worth to an opposing army than ammunition, implements or even men.
Richard Allen was made of good material. There was in him none of the shiftlessness, cowardice, dishonesty or lack of self-confidence so liable to attach themselves to the slave's condition. He embraced religion at about the age of twenty, from which time forward he because a religious leader among his brethren, enjoying the fullest confidence of the man whom he called master, conducting religious services in his house that drew even him to respect religion. Allen's religious influence was so great that his master permitted him to invite ministers to come and preach at his house. When, under these religious exercises, his master became a Christian, and, hence, contrary to the course of many others, felt constrained to cease slaveholding and induced Richard Allen to buy for himself freedom from slavery. This he did, but not freedom from personal responsibility; he labored hard for wages, traveling extensively in Delaware, Pennsylvania and New Jersey, preaching the unsearchable riches of Christ. Great success attended his ministry, many being renewed and converted by means of it.
He was of such ministerial character that he attracted the attention of the great American Methodist leaders, as Richard Watcoat and Francis Asbury, both of whom became pioneer bishops in this country. He attended the great Methodist Conference of 1784, in Baltimore. His criticisms on the wearing of robes by ministers is somewhat severe when applied to some African M.E. ministers of today. His notions of responsibility would not permit him to give himself up to Bishop Asbury as traveling religious assistant, without any other consideration than his food and clothing; yet when called upon by a higher authority than earthly bishop, he showed the true apostolic quality of courage and full reliance upon God in a high degree, proving that his refusal to follow Asbury was not from a sense of fear that the divine provisions for Christian religious propagandism did not include ministerial protection, but that he possessed that higher nature that feels the impulses of true individual manhood. He bore the divine impress and loved the image of God within him. Where divinely led, he was not afraid to go, but he was unwilling to so associate himself with another as to have his own character act upon the world only through another. He must, as God's messenger, “go” under God, directly to the people. He must go, under the new and peculiar inspiration of a servant of God, from the heathen be-darkened and slave-betrayed race, giving to the world an additional facility for escaping the bondage of sin and death. As Peter was broadened in his theology and Paul energized especially for the work among the Gentiles, so Allen was prepared by the All-wise for particular work among men. Hence he could not follow Francis Asbury; they walked together to a point at which their paths of duty diverged. To doubt that Allen was under the strictest surveillance of a sense of duty is to doubt that Asbury was divinely directed in his movements.
At that time there was evidently need of just such a pioneer of religion as practiced by Methodism, to act among << colored>> Americans - a man who would “let no man despite his youth” nor “take his crown,” but who ever heard the voice of the angel saying “stand up.” Methodism had come to the poor in this land as elsewhere; it had addressed itself to them under the unanswerable conviction that they are men and as such have a just claim upon that religion, one of whose chic tests is that the “poor have the gospel preached unto them;” it had brought many thousands to the knowledge of Christ; but there, as a rule, it broke from following after the law of the spirit and followed the law of the flesh. American slavery has committed a terrible outrage upon Christianity. It has moulded human sentiment by a moral code that sanctioned or excused slavery, defending it by the very gospel used to proclaim “liberty to the captive,” degrading that gospel to the level of ordinary human theories, snubbing the very manhood produced by its preaching, compelling black Christians to build up a holy temple within while possessing nothing but the mere skeleton of the gospel, “making bricks without straw.” Say that we will, this is all that could be said of the advantages under which the << colored>> people embraced the Christian religion in the earlier period of their American pilgrimage. Hated on the one hand, so that they were robbed of nearly all those facts and circumstances in social and religious life that tend to inspire mankind with the best notions of life or to enable them to use to best advantage their natural powers, such as home in the better sense, with its score of sacred environments, without which it loses all the sacredness and savor of home; on the other hand, feared so that all the marvels and mysteries encroached in what is included in the word education were to them as are to the uninitiated the mysteries of the inner court of the most firmly oath-bound societies.
Caucasian Christians believed in negro Christians, but for a long time they believed in negro slavery more. To a great extent they yet believe that close social contact between the two race varieties is sinful. The subordinate place in Church and State seems supposed to be all that the << colored>> man has a right to ask. A hundred years ago, as now, the negro could no more be satisfied with a give corner or a gallery in a church auditorium, than could he were his skin white. We say no more, we mean no more really, even though not so generally. The nobler and purer pulsations and throbbings of MAN were in him then as now, though also the lower and more beastly tendencies were then as now laying their part in the common life of the variety.
To those nobler energies the Caucasian Christian offered very little encouragement. We say very little, remembering that they did encourage love for God, but they first put a heavy curtain over the divine countenance. They taught honesty as the best policy, but belied their teachings in being the systematic thieves of negroes' time and robbers of their moral powers. They taught him faith, but not to the extent of deliverance. They attempted to inspire him with hope, but, before they extended the glorious light to a land of promise, they carefully told him that it did not shine on a improved condition for him here. They talked of liberty, but by their very teachings added to the weight of irons about him. Be it said to the shame, not of Christianity, but of human temporizers claiming Christianity, that, instead of the American churches leading in the cause of the liberty of man, they played so indefinite and unsteady a part on this question that the real heroes of freedom felt called upon to break away from the church in order to escape its fearful miasma and champion the cause of freedom. For this they are called infidels. They were infidels so far as the Church was concerned; they were infidels so far as the confused and contradictory notions of God as set forth in the mixture of creed and practice was concerned. The American churches of Caucasians have indeed had always their true Christians, who would not switch off their religious trains on a siding every time they seemed to be about to join themselves with trains laden with << colored>> Christians, notwithstanding the connection was coming over so gracefully and ever so legally. But the average American Caucasian Christian has all along seemed about as fearful to allow Christ's cause, the old gospel train, to rush on in right lines as men have been to allow the train of civilization to move on regularly, wishing it to turn to suit their fancies and favor their prejudices. A few Caucasians and a few negroes believe that God is no respector of person, but uses every man for all he is worth, if only he will allow himself to be so used, counting his life not dear, his race not dear, but only the excellence of Christ Jesus. Such men are God's leaders in both race varieties. Such a man was Richard Allen.
Out of the church corners to which they had been assigned for color, chiefly; out from the relations that, though in the name of Christians, were little more than those of slavery; up from the posture of religious poltroons, he called his people by a voice so enchanting, so commanding that they followed, leading them by a character so firm and so true, so wise and holy, that, like the true leader, he held them and holds them still. He became to the waiting thousands of American negroes what Luther was in Germany, Wickliff in England, and Hues in Bohemia, the trump of God, calling them to new hopes, new conditions, new relations and new activities. They were to break down the walls of partition that had been held between them and the throne of grace, and present themselves boldly thereat. They were, henceforth, to present themselves before men as men called of God as well as others, to attach themselves to the machinery of church government as well as to the mass of church governed. They were to stand before threatening ministers, determined to hold them in denominational bondage. They were for themselves, as Christ's servants, to “stand before judges.” They were to assert, with all there is in the words, “The negro, too, is a man.” They were to go to the sin-ridden churches and share their work of reasoning the world from its thraldom of sin. They were to centralize into a society, to be one among Christian societies. They were to show that “unto them the Holy Ghost had appeared” as well as to others.
Richard Allen dared to obey the divine call and lead them; where he led they dared to follow. He says, “I saw a large field open in seeking and instructing my African brethren, who had been a long forgotten people. Few of them attended public worship. I preached in the commons (of Philadelphia) in Southwark, North Liberty and wherever I could find an opening. I frequently preached twice a day, at 5 o'clock in the morning and in the evening. It was not uncommon for me to preach from four to five times a day. I established a prayer meeting, and in 1786 established a society of forty-two members. I saw the necessity of erecting a place of worship for the << colored>> people. I had but three << colored>> brethren that united with me in this: Rev. Absalom Jones, William White and Downs Ginnings.” This undertaking met with strong opposition from both white men in St. George's M.E. Church and prominent << colored>> men, while some of both classes encouraged him. Ministers of the M.E. Church threatened to disown him and his followers, but, with much sagacity, he told them if they turned him out otherwise than in accordance with Discipline, he would seek redress. His own language is, “We are determined to seek out for ourselves, the Lord being our helper.' He and his friends narrated to these brethren of the M.E. Church the especial grievances suffered in their communion (?). He also told them, “If you deny us your name (Methodist) you cannot seal up the Scriptures from us or deny us a name in heaven. We believe heaven is free for all who worship in spirit and truth.” With manly dignity and clear indication that he knew he was cutting loose entirely from a great body of people, believing, as he did on religious doctrines, he said when told finally that he would be disowned: “This was a trial that I had never had to pass through, but I was confident that the great Head of the Church would support us.” He states that on the first day he and Absalom Jones canvassed for money with which to purchase; they raised $360. After he, as authorized by the committee, bought the lot on Sixth street, near Lombard, the site of the present Bethel Church, Philadelphia, the committee agreed to purchase a lot on Fifth street and threw the Bethel lot on his hands. Having the true grit of manhood in his moral constitution, he said, “I would rather keep it myself than forfeit the agreement I have made.” This he did. He says, “As I was the first proposer of an African Church, I put the first spade in the ground to dig a cellar (basement) for the same.” The old blacksmith shop was made a temple in which to worship God. On canvassing the little society it was found that a majority preferred joining the Church of England rather that force themselves upon the Methodist Episcopal Society, by which they considered themselves badly treated. But Allen was a Methodist, and though but one other member of the society agreed with him, he stuck to the old church, again showing the true metal for a leader of the << colored>> American. He gives as a reason for this decision, “I was confident that there was no religious sect or denomination that would suit the << colored>> people so well as the Methodist,” adding, “and the reason Methodism is so successful in the awakening and conversion of the << colored>> people is (that they have) the plain doctrine and good discipline.” So Bethel went Methodist, but, owing to the continued dissatisfaction with their treatment by the Methodists, Bethel began a series of law suits. Bethel was decided by the Supreme Court to belong to the society under their charter of incorporation.
At the very first fiery trials confronted their leader; his own camp divided over a site for locating their church property, but, with proverbial sagacity, he led on the right side, the side that developed an independent organization, and saw the African M.E. Church as an organization formed in 1816.
Allen was a very humble, devout man, but far-seeing, discreet and strong-willed. He has been charged with having been a malcontent who found pleasure in sowing sedition to awaken rebellion. It has been strongly intimated that he was exceedingly ambitious; that had he possessed enough of the mind if Christ he would have borne the temporary ills of membership in the M.E. Church, and thus obviated the separation; but Richard Allen did not secede; he was driven from the church of his choice by maltreatment of his brethren and by their declaration of disownership. True, we must allow for the yearnings of his soul towards his brethren, to whom he was as Moses to the Hebrews; seeing them in strife with the Egyptians, he cast his influence in favor of his brethren.
Do you ask what are the results of the life of Bishop Allen? Can you count the results in materia medica of the discovery of the value of Peruvian bark? Can you calculate the results in astronomy, and through it I a thousand facts, of the discovery of the principles of the laws of gravitation? Can you calculate what the discovery of the Moabite stone has done for archaeology or the electrical inventions for civilization? Can you tell what Livingstone has done for Africa, Luther for free religious thought, Shakespeare and Milton for poetry or Wesley for the revival of apostolic religion? Can you tell what Elliot was to the Indian or Taylor to the Hindoos? Then you an tell what Allen is to the Negro, and through his work, to Christianity. The spirit given impetus in him by the Holy Spirit has almost been everything to the race. It has excited to a single organization many hundred thousand. It has dug deep into the old slave soil and dived deep into its ocean of tears and blood, seized its diamonds of hope and purpose, love of liberty and advancement, its gold of endurance and co-operation, its pearls of light and religion. It has ground where grinding was needed, burned where burning was required and now presents them before man and God. It has forced out of the conditions of slavery an independence in feeling and motion that is not impressed. It has stimulated the distracted and vastly subdued mind to enter the fields of popular thought and there deport itself like a king and priest unto God. It has created a greater number of respectably trained << colored>> men and women for places of trust, honor and responsibility than all other purely << colored>> means combined. In every church in the land having a considerable << colored>> constituency many of the most able ministers were once African Methodist or have come from African Methodist families. The spirit of progress that manifested itself in Allen has pushed more << colored>> men on to study than any other cause existing; so that not only the ministry, but the professions owe more to the A.M.E. Church than to all other causes for their accessions from among the << colored>> people. The spirit of Allen has sparkled in many legislative halls, pleaded eloquently at the bar, given black diamonds to the judge's ermine and the great reward of patience, perseverance and pluck to the medical world. Shine, O illustrious spirit! shine till thy pure rays shall penetrate the most abject and despised men, till thy inspiration shall boldly join hands with the illustrious Taylor in Africa and take home again the one talent with other thousands that it has gained.

Selections.

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CONVENTION OF << COLORED>> CITIZENS.
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A CONVENTION of << Colored>> Citizens has been in session for several evenings during the past week in this city. No report of their proceedings that we know of has been published, though they have been travestied in the Herald at considerable length. The following reports from Committees, however, which appear in that paper, are, we presume, genuine, and will be found important and interesting. - Anti-Slavery Standard.

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Mr. George T. Downing read the report on Emigration as follows:

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON EMIGRATION.

Many considerations arise in the review of the question of the immigration of the << colored>> American from the place of his abode, the land of his nativity, to any foreign place. Among the most prominent and important are - that this is our native land; that here we live, and have lived; that here we hope, and have hoped; and that no amount of persecution has driven, or will drive us to any inhospitable region - to any region whatsoever, save that to which death shall convey us.

Our fellow-countrymen have selected Africa as the place for our future abode, and give as a reason why we should leave this, our native land, that in this, our native land we can never hope to be elevated socially and politically; further declaring, that Africa is the land of our forefathers, and that she needs to be regenerated - civilized. What a libel upon our country - our countrymen. The << colored>> American "can never hope to be elevated socially and politically in this country." It is false. We do hope, predicating that hope upon a basis everlasting, and which the signs of the times indicate -

"Truth crushed to earth will rise again,
The eternal years of God are hers."

As to the practical ability of << colored>> men going to Africa to better their condition, it is fallacious. The means by which we or any class can better their condition, is the acquiring of wealth and education. The facilities to possess either, as far more abundantly afforded the << colored>> man at home, than they are in Africa. It needs but the exercise of the disposition - to acquire which disposition is the same in the same person, whether he be in Africa or America. There are large tracts of land in this country, fertile and beautiful, which the << colored>> man can occupy - live an independent life, where he can command respect and consideration - thousands of acres of which are already owned by << colored>> men in this State. There are many trades and professions of respectability and influence open to him. He needs but the cultivation of the above disposition. As for the acquiring of education, the facilities are growing more and more abundant daily. The first seminaries of the land are being open for the reception of << colored>> students. In the eastern States, there are exceptions, where a << colored>> student cannot be admitted. In our own State, two young men of rare talent have been elevated to professorships in one of her colleges. As an illustration of the superior advantages offered us here, to those enjoyed in Africa, we would state that the dignitaries of Liberia send their children and relatives to this country to be educated - instance, Rushworm's sons, Robert's relatives.

But we claim no affinity with Africa. This is our home. We have beheld no other sun save that piercing the clouds that tip our noble Alleghanies - which glistens on our own rolling Hudson, and gives vegetation and life to the green fields, where our fathers lie - "The land of our forefathers."

What more this to us than to all other Americans? Go ye "home to the places your fathers voluntarily left; our forefathers were forced there; their sons will not be forced away." Further, we do not trace our ancestry to Africa alone. We trace it to Englishmen, Irishmen, Scotchmen; to Frenchmen; to the German; to the Asiatic as well as to Africa. "The best blood of Virginia courses through our veins." We sympathize deeply with poor benighted Africa. We wish her disenthralment from the deep superstition and idolatry in which she is sunk. We would see her regenerated - civilized. "We do not loave Caesar less, but Rome more." We have been persecuted. Despite of it - despite of all that has been visited upon us by our fellow-countrymen - we "love our country still." We would defend her honor while we mourn our shame. A fair destiny awaits her - a destiny shadowed in the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers - our glorious Declaration of Independence - in the present times. What else is it but that it should be reserved unto her to establish complete the idea of universal brotherhood - including even the despised and abused, the rejected, the cast down. How the fact will be yielded to that effect - the fact that the first martyr, Wm. Attuck, the first man that fell in the Revolutionary struggle, fighting in vindication of the fact of the equality of man and in defence of the rights of man, in favor of the idea of brotherhood, was a black man; gloried be his name! What else could have created the passiveness which has been remarkable in the persecuted and outraged << colored>> man? What else have disconcerted the many movements of the slaves to be free or to die gloriously? It is the finger of God. He purposes a glorious destiny - our Union will be preserved. He hath suffered this persecution to be. The persecuted and the persecutor will join hands. The world - future generations - will have evidence of the truthfulness of the idea of universal brotherhood. Previous to the declaration of this grand idea by the fathers of '76, all England had faith in the idea of inequality in man, and it is left unto our country to give form and expression to its opposite. Look upon the many reforms which engage the general attention, and behold how all of them go to make up a sentiment which must annihilate Slavery, and cast it from our otherwise fair country. Its happy influence will operate upon the world in general. This consideration causes us to be more deeply fixed and inflexible, if possible, in our determination to abide here - our home. Countrymen! Americans! why will ye strive to alienate us from our home? why will ye continue to oppress us? - God wills us to be with you - we will as He wills.

We are linked with millions who are here held in bonds. Nothing should or can separate our interests; they are mutual and inseparable; it would be cowardice on our part to disconnect our interests from theirs; cowardice, as those who are linked with them in oppression; cowardice, as Americans attempting to avoid the responsibility of battling against the shame and degradation that arises at the mention of America, because of her holding men and brethren in bonds. It would break down the sustaining prop, the hope which bouys and sustains the shame; it would give security to the slave master; it would have the effect to lessen the happy sympathy, the beating heart, which is beginning to throb in the American breast. Aye, this sympathy, this beating heart, is observed in no manner more forcible than in its opposition to the fugitive slave law, interested parties attempt to conceal the fact, as they may and do; Castle Garden meetings may be held; Union Committees formed; Websters become the paid subjects of Wall and State streets; Footes invited to desecrate the name of Washington; Fillmores may issue their proclamations to make themselves ridiculous - all this may be done, and more, but there is no concealing the fact, that Northern hearts, with a few exceptions, have no sympathy with the fugitive slave law and will, whenever they can, nullify its provisions.

We are not to be forced or enticed from our native land. Nay, if they finish their steamships with even more splendor, and make their tables groan with viands more rare, than those found in our steam palaces, yet they will

Lay rotting on the seas,

ere they will be regarded as an inducement for us to leave our homes. The Ebony line is an idea to lull, to satisfy, to cover over, to smother the sympathy for us, and against the fugitive slave law; but it will signally fail. Aye, even the magic influence of Henry Clay cannot effect it. We could suppose that he would be one of the first passengers, in the line, sooner than we, for in Liberia he might become President, were he not impressed with the fact that, in a short - very short - time, he will wing his flight to heaven, or somewhere else.

We have not as yet secured for ourselves a character - reputation. We are but the immediate descendants of those who have been reared under all manner of depressing influences, in ignorance, in an ignorant section of the country, and Southern plantations; we have not had a fair trial; our position has been a stooping one. We are beginning to feel the necessity of standing erect. We have too generally occupied menial positions, which has been urged against us. This must be changed; this is being changed. Our children - the children of those who occupy menial positions - are being educated to a more refined taste. Not however, to discard honorable labor. They will possess all the requisites to success and advancement. They inherit a spirit of endurance, a virtue necessary to success. They are sensitive, which creates perception. They have strength, being the descendants of muscular frames. They are being educated, let their children be oppressed as they are. Keep them oppressed, cast down, as we have and our fathers have been, and you have accomplished that which to us seems physically and morally impossible. They will be respected here socially and politically. Believing this and admiring the principles of our Government; believing that the country is by nature, blest with advantages far beyond those afforded in Africa, or anywhere else, how can any one expect, even Horace Greeley himself, that the << colored>> man will leave this country? No; Horace Greeley will go first, for he seems, of late to have a very lively interest in Africa. Not but that there will be cases of individual emigration; this may be expected. It betakes of a spirit of enterprise in keeping with the progress of our people; but no such emigration should extend to a committal of our people, to an alienation of our people from their country, to a disconnection of interests, responsibilities and hopes, with other Americans.

Your Committee read with sorrow and regret, the communication in The New York Tribune of the 10th instant, relative to the "Liberia Agricultural Association," it being evident, from the reading of the same, that it is an auxiliary and ally to the Colonization movement; that its members, its defender, and recommenders, are bedfellows with the leading Colonizationists of our city, and that it must necessarily receive our censure and condemnation.

The British Government is considering the feasibility and profitableness of our people emigrating to the British West Indian islands. We regard the spirit dictating the plan as selfish, besides, it would not afford a pecuniary inducement to the mass; at the same time, all the objections urged in this report against emigrating to Africa apply to it, with the following differences: The Colonization Society of this country is dictated by hate; these encouraging emigration to the West Indies are not; that the African climate is more enervating than that of Jamaica; that in the case of Liberia, it is a proscriptive government, excluding men because of their complexion, whilst the other knows of no such distinctions. Your Committee would recommend our people to remain firm, in the face of all threats and inducements, to their oft-repeated resolve, to live, die, and be buried in the graves of their fathers; to remove to the country to become tillers of the soil; that if any one be determined upon emigrating from the country, that they emigrate to Jamaica, and not to Liberia; that persons emigrating to Jamaica, or other places, to engage wherever they can in commercial trade with those they leave behind.

All of which is most respectfully submitted.
GEO. T. DOWNING.
This document was received with the most enthusiastic applause.

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Dr. James McCune Smith read the following document as Chairman of the Committee of three on the condition of the People of Color:

REPORT on the Social Condition of the People of Color around New York City, and on the best means of ameliorating the same.

The subject, social condition, embraces domestic economy, social intercourse, standard of morals, habits of thought, and general aim or tendency. These are too great a variety of matters to be well discussed in a single paper, and some of them are hardly pertinent to this Convention. The most immediately practical among them is, domestic economy - the most important, the general aim.

On these two subjects a few remarks will be made and one or two suggestions offered.

That we aim to advance, in common with the rest of the American people, is true, because we are constantly beseeching them not to bar our progress by unequal laws.

That we do advance in the teeth of the most tremendous opposition ever encountered by men, is a point on which I must, for the present, waive the expression of any decision. We are so mixed up in the heat and the smoke of the battle, that we can see too little of our absolute or relative position. Three or four facts, however, are noteworthy: -
1. Accident has, on two recent occasions, enabled a few << colored>> men to save the State to the Whigs, and the Whigs have courteously thanked us by frowns and curses, and by introducing a bill into the State Legislature to appropriate $20,000 per annum for our removal to the coast of Guinea.

2. It has become more current than ever to talk of our removal from this country, as if we were wild Indians, or tares growing among the wheat.

3. Balls and feasts, in which we have expended some ten thousand a year, are losing caste among us, and have not paid this winter.

4. From some causes not well defined, there is a very general restlessness among us; a determination to do something more than we have been doing.

"CAN WE DO ANYTHING MORE?"

Hitherto we have acted with little concert, and less organization, yet we have done fair fight; we have now a reputation for endurance and plasticity from our worst foes. If we organize thoroughly we can do much more.

"SHALL WE ORGANIZE IN THE CITY?"

The advantages about city life with us are, 1st, that a larger number of us can be within short distance of each other, and thereby may easily organize without such disadvantage as would grow from the same number being banded in a single county.

We get a large amount of friction without being so condensed as to be reached by a law for removing us from any rural locality - such laws as expatriated Indians and Mormons. We can be, if we will, much better provided for in the matter of education in the city than we could in the country. We can, if we choose, throw vastly more trade of our own and of other people, in the way of each other in the city, than we could in the country.

The disadvantages of our city life, I mean those peculiar tones - for all city life is, after all, a kind of hot-house forcing of human beings - are the following - Our lives are much shortened. Look at the preponderance of widows and children among us. They so far exceed the calamities of mere sickness, that our benevolent societies have been obliged to cut off the widows and orphans, in order to heal the sick.

Next, the seductions of the city - policy gambling, porter-houses, with their billiards and cards, create a gang of lazaroni of both sexes; women hastening through the streets, with their bonnets untied; men, shirtless and shoeless, hanging round the corners, or standing, walking, gutter-tumbling - signs which our foes call the type of our condition.

3. City life shuts us from general mechanical employment; white journeymen in the cities refuse to work with us, and << colored>> bosses have either too little capital, or too little enterprize to bring up and employ apprentices and journeymen.
4th. From the necessity of seeking employment in the city, as servants, porters, &c., our manhood is, in a measure, demeaned, lowered, kept down; and I doubt much whether manhood flourishes very much among citizens of any class.
5th. The enormous combination of capital which is slowly invading every calling in the city, from washing and ironing to palace steamers, must tend more and more to grind the face of the poor in the cities, and render them more and more the slaves of lower wages and higher rents.

No sane man can doubt, from this or any comparison of the kind that country life is the better choice for our people; not consolidated, isolated country-life, but a well mixed country and village life. The matter of education, the great disadvantage of country life might be remedied by concert of action.
I seriously hope, therefore, that this convention will, among its first acts, appoint a committee and place funds at its disposal, by which it may be enabled to concoct some efficient plan of removal of a large proportion of our people into the rural districts - partly as farmers, partly as business men, partly as mechanics.

In the meantime, let us not forget, that while there is a certain and positive limit to our advancement in the city, there can be no such daily increasing barrier in the country.

In the meantime also, while preparing to leave the city, let us look a little practically into the social economies in practice here in the city, an economy, which of itself, would save enough to send into the country and snugly set up one out of every ten city families per year; and first, about

HOUSE RENT.

In the rear of No. 71 Laurens street, is a back lot, which cost $2,500: on it are erected two buildings, which cost $6,000. Total $8,500. Interest on which at 7 per cent, is $595; and add for taxes, insurance and wear $100, making full cost at $695 per year. These two buildings are occupied by twenty << colored>> families, who pay an average of $7 per month; that it $1,680 per year. Here is a clear profit to the landlord of $985 per year, above interest and expense.

Here then, in the single item of rent, twenty families are paying enough to fit out two families a year most amply and abundantly for the country.

Again; if those buildings were owned by a << colored>> Saving Institution, whose surplus funds should be devoted to setting up << colored>> young men on farms, such institution, after paying depositors six per cent, would have a splendid surplus for starting farmers or men in other business. If we take a larger view of this matter of house rent, the results are amazing. According to the above estimate, each one of the twenty families in the rear of 17 Laurens street, is paying thirty-five per year to much for house rent.

There are some 2,500 << colored>> families in New York and its vicinity; say that each family pays only ten dollars a year too much for house rent, and that these families could, by organization, retrench, and accumulate that sum per year; and we would save, in this one item, $25,000 per year.

FUEL,

Is next in importance. Our 2,000 families consume at least two and a half tons of coal per year, making 4,500 tons. At least two-thirds of these 2,000 families buy their coal by the bushel or peck, thereby paying two dollars per ton more than the market price, which is a sacrifice of $6,000 per year. Then, if these two thousand families combined to buy their own coal at the wharf, they could save, by purchasing cargoes, one dollar on each ton, at least, which is $10,500. Allowing the hire of a coal yard at $800 each, there would be a clear gain of $8,100 in the single matter of coal, if we would thoroughly organize this matter.

By similar calculations, it can be shown that we could easily save $20,000 on groceries and food, and $10,000 on wearing apparel; besides setting up in successful and commanding business such men as are capable, intelligent, and trustworthy.

Hence the entire saying that would be effected in those domestic economies would be $53,000 per year.

How can this saving be effected?

It may be effected by a thoroughly organized mutual savings' bank. Not a common five or six per cent savings' bank, which is, according to Proudhon, a sing of misery, but an efficiently organized bank, in which all the depositors should at the time be shareholders and full participants in all the profits.

Such an institution, to be practicable, would require the exercise of a large amount of mutual faith and mutual confidence; faith enough in << colored>> men to entrust them with large sums; confidence enough in their business tact for the successful manipulation of their money.

The bank will require a structure somewhat different from our ordinary banks. 1st. It should have power to buy and sell real estate. 2d. It should have power to discount good paper. 3d. It should have power to loan moneys on bond and mortgage on real and personal estate. 4th. It should have power to buy and sell merchandize.

I am prepared to go into further details about this bank. Other gentlemen, members of this convention, have paid sufficient attention to the matter to make an immediate report. I would respectfully suggest that a committee be appointed to report on this matter.

We are in condition to adopt and carry out such report immediately. We have sufficient capital already stored in the savings banks to start one of our own, of the kind we need.

What end should we aim at in this economy? by a savings bank?

We must not regard this bank, nor its economies, as an end; it is only a means to help out the more desirable ends of our advancement in the community or State to which we belong, and the larger end of advancing the interests of the community at the same time.

To do this, we must leave the city, its seductions, its oppressions and baleful atmosphere, and seek to expand our elbows, our lungs and our energies in the free air of the rural districts. We are already provided with land in a rapidly growing section of the State. - Let us economize enough to go and settle that land, by five or six families at a time; and by and by our economies can extend to the exchange of the country products, timber, cattle, potatoes, for goods bought by our banks in the city, and forwarded at low rates.

Another suggestion. There is enough in our condition to cause us to meet frequently and discuss it calmly, searchingly. This American people is, after all, like a large and energetic stomach; its powers of assimilation are tremendous; it can knead together Dutch, Irish, brickbats, mountains of stone or gold, arctic regions and torrid heats - "a very capable stomach, that," you will say. So it is; but then it has a left-handed trick, which, like all things coming from that direction, is sudden and fearfully energetic, - it has the trick of casting out, disintegrated and ground to powder, whatever it cannot assimilate. We must either go in and assimilate, or wake up on some fine morning and find ourselves spewed over the broad Atlantic!

We had better look to it. We should meet twice, better three times a year, and talk over what we have at stake, and what we had better do. - Domestic economy, as I said, is but part of our social relations; it is the foundation of social contentment. - When we have settled and consolidated this, we may go into our social sins and short comings and amend them.

The Doctor, after concluding the reading of the report, said that there were $40,000 or $50,000 of the << colored>> people invested in savings' banks in Wall street, and he then presented the following resolution:

Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed, with power to present the form of a mutual saving institution, embracing the matters of house rent, fuel and other domestic wants; and that one of the conditions of membership of said institution shall be, a pledge to abstain from policy gambling.

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Mr. Louis H. Putnam read the report of the Committee on Political Relations, as follows:

REPORT ON POLITICAL RELATIONS.

Mr. President and Fellow-citizens: As a Committee on the Political Relations of the << colored>> people, we beg leave to submit the following report as the result of our deliberation.

It is no ordinary task to prepare a document sufficiently comprehensive to convey a correct idea of the necessity and the intention of this report, and we can only console ourselves with the pleasing reflections, that in discharging the duty which has devolved upon us, we were governed by the strongest inclination to serve the interest of our people.

On a careful examination of our political history, we have arrived at the conclusion that, since 1811, there has existed in this country a disposition to extinguish the rights and privileges which were enjoyed by all freemen previous to that date. The spirit by which the American people were governed during the << revolutionary war>> , was manifested in the first constitution of this and other States of the Union, by extending to all freemen, above twenty-one years, the right of franchise, irrespective of complexional considerations. The fact that we exercise the privilege under a proscriptive provision in the Constitution, and that in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and in the Southern and Western States, our people are deprived of it entirely, is a sufficient proof that a less liberal feeling exists towards us. The baneful effect which has resulted from proscriptive legislation, has developed itself in all the ramifications of our existence in this country. The principle which has prompted these proceedings against the << colored>> people, is based upon the false premise that we are "an inferior race," and are incapable of exercising sufficient judgment in the political affairs of the country. If this slander could be sustained by a single fact, it would afford us some satisfaction to know that white men are not free from this weakness. The report of the committee of the Common Council of this city, in reference to the use of convicts to vote for respectable candidates, ought to be sufficient to destroy the objections against extending the franchise to the << colored>> people. But the same principle has developed itself in caucus meetings, composed of persons who consider themselves far superior to us in point of morals; and although the tendency is to destroy the purity of the ballot-box, yet there is no remedy for this evil. We do not allude to these transactions with hopes of receiving any consolation for the treatment we have received, but to state the fact that there are << colored>> men, who are deprived of their right, if they were in possession of it, they would not debase their manhood by bartering away their votes.

The line which has so distinctly divided the << colored>> and the white people in this State, has placed us in a position so anomalous, that even in cases where the preponderance in favor of the successful party was the result of our votes, yet it has never yet been acknowledged by those whose political interests were subserved by it.

The conclusion arrived at from these facts will show, that our efforts to promote the interests of either of the political parties, are gratuitous on our part; and for the future, we ought to be governed by such means as will enable us to subserve any design which may be deemed necessary to defeat either of the two, if their principles should be considered at war with our interest. To carry out this idea, we must abandon our individual connection with the old parties, and establish an organization throughout the State, to enable us to support such candidates as are known to be men who will defend the rights of the oppressed. We have five thousand << colored>> voters in this State, which are sufficient to enable us to control the State or Presidential elections, excepting under extraordinary circumstances, such as governed the political element during the campaign which resulted in elevating to the Presidency the late Gen. Taylor.

To view this subject superficially, and in connection with the fact that there are more than four hundred thousand voters in the State, it would appear not only egotistical in us to assume so much in favor of our ability, but it would be considered by many as an absurdity. But as these assumptions should be sustained by some facts, we will present such as will be sufficient to bear out our premises. The political parties in this State are so nearly equal that less than two hundred votes were sufficient to carry the election last November, which does not exceed the number of << colored>> freeholders in Williamsburgh and Brooklyn. In 1844, the majority of for the Electoral Colleges was 1,500, which will show that, under the most favorable circumstances, no party could succeed if opposed by five thousand voters, unless there should be a great change in the relative strength of the whig or democratic party in this State. There are times when the State may be carried by a very large vote, as in the election of the late Governor Wright, and also his successor; but it occurs from want of harmony in the ranks of either of the contending parties. But in this review, no inference could be drawn which can in anywise change the main features of the premises upon which we have based our calculation.

But the most important question that presents itself in this connection, is, whether the Anti-Slavery party will assume a position which will harmonize with the ideas embodied in this report. The answer to this question cannot emanate from us, but from those to whom it refers.

The necessity of identifying ourselves with the liberty party, has been before us for the last twelve years; but as we could not see how our interest could be promoted by that organization we have acted on a different basis.

The important questions to be decided in this State by the next election, makes it imperative that the << colored>> people and the liberty party should unite upon a plan that will enable us to act in an effective manner, in all the counties in the State, against any combination which may have for its aim the suppression of any measures which may be deemed as involving the interest of freedom.

The propriety of acting on the proposition of your committee may be questioned by some, but every man in this country who appreciates the motives by which we are governed, will commend, and not censure it. On former occasions, we have pursued the course which would harmonize with the views of the party we designed to support; but as our organizations were not sufficiently extensive to command any respect, many who owed their election to our votes were the most active in opposing our interests.

From this cause, the liberty party has stood out from other organizations; but as the time has come for us to occupy a position in defence of our rights, let no man shrink from the responsibility which may devolve upon him.

The objection which has been urged against the old political parties for their want of honesty, is not sufficient to justify us in leaving them in possession of the field, unless we had the means to promote our interest without their aid. Your committee believe that the banner that waved over 120,000 freemen in this State in 1848, will again float to the breeze; and, in spite of all proscriptive organization against it, its cause will triumph.

We approved of the principle of the party, upon the ground of its national feature; and, as it involved the question of freedom in the territory, it was sufficient to command our support.

The position we occupied in the contest may be reviewed at the present time, to illustrate the idea in reference to the future; and, as our actions were in harmony with the liberty party, it will be a sufficient justification on all occasions, when we may be called upon to act from the same motives.

In 1849 and '50, we supported a different ticket, and the result of the election in November last will give a better idea of our strength than anything we can say in this report; but unless the party assume a position that will enable them to command the confidence of the people, it is clear that they cannot maintain their anomalous organization. We wage no war against the whig or the democratic party, but against the servile principle that prompts men to act in opposition to their honest convictions.
Mr. Chairman and fellow-citizens, in contemplating upon the future history of the State of New York, we strive in vain to suppress the deep emotion of our feelings, and in spite of her oppressive treatment we are not unfaithful to her interest. We have sufficient confidence in the people of the Empire State to believe that we have their sympathy; and although time-serving men may deceive them, and interpose between us and our rights, yet justice will execute her will in behalf of our oppressed race.

Signed, respectfully, by
LEWIS H. PUTNAM.
ROBT. HAMILTON.

MEETING OF THE << COLORED>> PEOPLE OF NEW YORK.
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On Tuesday evening, the 13th inst., a highly respectable meeting of << colored>> citizens took place at the Abysinian Baptist << Colored>> Church, in Anthony street, near West Broadway, in pursuance of the following call:
Important Notice. << Colored>> Men, Arouse! Arouse! Arouse! - There are traitors among us - << colored>> men allied with our oppressors - men who, to satisfy their selfish ends to put money in their purses, are uniting their influence with those who would drive us from our country. Is this to be? You will not remain indifferent with this fact before your eyes? No, no! You that love your sacred altars, here erected to God - that reverance this your home - you, that are willing to struggle and endure for your country's redemption, for the triumphing of justice and right - you cannot be enticed or driven from your enslaved brethren. No, no! Then attend a meeting, to be held at the Abysinian Baptist Church, Anthony street, near West Broadway, on Tuesday evening, 13th inst., of all persons opposed to African colonization.
Come one, come all - maidens and mothers, brothers and sisters, fathers and all - come, come, and proclaim to the world your unanimous resolve not to leave the country. By order of the
COMMITTEE OF THIRTEEN.

NEW YORK, Jan. 8, 1852.

The meeting was called to order at a quarter to eight o'clock, by the nomination of the Rev. John T. Raymond as President, T.A. Bell and Robert S. Meakin, Vice Presidents, and Messrs. Joine, White and Comick as Secretaries. The proceedings were opened by a prayer appropriate to the occasion, offered by the Rev. Dr. Pennington, wherein he denounced the foul system of colonization recommended to the << colored>> people, and trusted that the villanous policy would be frustrated. He trusted they would yet have their privileges acknowledged in this country, and that they would no longer hear the doctrine that it was necessary for them to go four thousand miles to be made men.
Mr. George T. Downing rose to move the resolutions, but would first take the opportunity of making some brief remarks. He would say that the abused, despised, outraged << colored>> men were yet linked with all that is great and good in this land: that God Almighty has bound them together. Who can burst these bonds? My heart shudders at the thought of the weight of sin and iniquity which must bear on the conscience of Governor Hunt - and those oppressors who were striving to drive us from our homes - from this country to which we are fixed - where our destiny is allied for the country's sake - for the triumphing of a grand principle. But who can fathom the depth and infamy, the guilt, everlasting shame, and contempt, which will hang round the name of that << colored>> man who will raise his hand to stay the will of God in this way? Wo, wo - a thousand times wo on his accursed head. Mr. Downing then proceeded to read the following resolutions which were afterwards put by the Chairman, and carried by acclamation:
Whereas, it is evident that the only excuse left the Colonization Society for keeping up its organization, is in the appeal to the Christian portion of the community to evangelize Africa; and whereas American influences and American prejudices exercised over the native population by ignorant American emigrants are not capable of bringing about a high state of civilization or christianity in Africa - therefore,
Resolved, That we see no reasonable grounds for the continuance of the American Colonization Society.
Resolved, That neither the unjust prejudice exercised against us by the descendants of those by whose sides our fathers fought, bled and died for the common liberty of all, nor the love of that eradicator of American prejudice, that elevator to all the privileges of American society - money - shall induce us, as it has a few renegade << colored>> men, to sell the cause of our oppressed brethren, and forsake the land of our birth, and the glory of our moral greatness, by an ignominious flight to the pestilential shores of Africa.
Resolved, That we see in the present advanced condition of our people in this country, the proof of the wisdom of those who maintained our right to our home birth, at the organization of the Colonization Society.
Resolved, That we regard these United States as the best field for the development of the mental and moral faculties of the << colored>> man.
Resolved, That our sympathy for the three and a half millions of our brethren held as slaves at the South, forbids us leaving them to the cruelties of the slaveholders.
Resolved, That colonization is not and cannot be a remedy to the anguished American heart for the wrongs perpetrated upon American citizens on account of the color of their skin.
Resolved, That the New York and Liberia Agricultural and Emigration Association demands at our hands unqualified condemnation and censure, because it is a false and deceptive movement; because it is an ally of the Colonization Society - the << colored>> man's uncompromising enemy - our country's foe.
Resolved, That we caution the public against contributing their money to irresponsible persons, under any guise whatsoever; but more especially to persons who, whilst they may prate much about their going to Africa, have never seriously entertained the idea.
Resolved, That that << colored>> man who would trade in the prejudice manifested against his people in this country, for his personal benefit, in opposition to the sentiments of the masses, deserves the opprobrium of the people whose cause he ingloriously betrays, and is unworthy of our social esteem.
Resolved, That the advocacy of the Fugitive Slave law, by leading colonizationists throughout the country, and the energy they have displayed to secure its enforcement by any and every means, and the measures they have set on foot to secure the appropriation of national and State funds for the expatriation of free << colored>> men from their homes to Liberia, as well as a resort to every means of oppression, in their power against us, and the prostitution of the sanctity of religion to the demands of prejudice and caste, are so many evidences that this law, infamous in all its features, was designed more to oppress, to harass, and to dampen the aspirations of free << colored>> men, than to secure a return of those who may have fled from bondage.
Whereas, The Governor of the State of New York did, in his last annual message, recommend to the Legislature the appropriation of State funds for the purpose of transporting a portion of the citizens of the State to a barbarous country, thousands of miles beyond the limits of its territory; and whereas, said appropriation has not been asked for by any of the citizens proposed to be removed, but who, on the contrary, have, for a long series of years, unceasingly protested against the whole scheme of colonization - therefore,
Resolved, That said recommendation is, in our estimation, not only sinister towards us the class specified, but that we view it as being both unchristian and unconstitutional; unchristian, because it does not recommend to the wrong-doer instantaneous cessation from his evil course, and to do unto his injured neighbor precisely as he would wish to be done by in like circumstances; and unconstitutional because there is no power given to the Legislature, by the constitution, to make appropriation of public funds for the purpose of removing any portion of her law-abiding and inoffensive citizens beyond the bounds of the State.
Resolved, That one of the most direct and effective modes of warding off the evil influences of colonization is to direct the attention of our people to the superior advantages accessible to them in this country, and endeavor to establish such practical enterprises as will elevate them here.
Resolved, That we recommend our people to obtain real estate, and thus, if possible, be even more indissolubly linked with the soil.
Resolved, That we renew our petition to the Legislature for an extension of the suffrage, as a right which we should enjoy as American citizens.
Rev. Dr. Pennington next came forward to address the meeting. He did not commit himself to every shade and title of what was comprised in the resolutions which had been read. Of course they could not expect he would do so. But he would say that his antagonism to the colonization scheme was not a new platform to him. He had written on the subject twenty-one years ago, and he would, with the permission of the audience, read some extracts from what he had then published, and which is given in "Garrison's Thoughts on Colonization." Mr. P. then read copious extracts from this publication, denunciatory of the scheme of African colonization. They were not strangers in this country, nor aliens. The constitution did not call on them to be naturalized. They were already American citizens. Their fathers had been among the first to people this country. Their sweat and tears had been the means, in a measure, of raising her to the elevation she enjoys. Many of them fought, and bled, and died for her liberty. - And should they now forsake their tombs and flee to an unknown land? No! let them remain until the day arrives when "Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hands to God." These were the sentiments which he then held, and which he still entertained. His mind was not changed one iota in respect to the African Colonization Society. There were one or two points on which their minds ought to be intelligent just now. One of them is the fact, that that society is not changed in character, not changed in its composition, not changed in its elements, not changed in its policy. It is the same now that it was twenty years ago. It consists, to a great extent, of the same men, and pursues the same line of policy. Whatever may have been the modifications introduced in some of its publications, or in the speeches of some of its members, he still regarded it as the same in every material respect. He had been lecturing some few weeks ago, and had found it convenient to clip some matters from the colonization reports, and he had found that the last report speaks exactly the same meaning as that of twenty years ago, in respect to the colony. There are men connected with that society, who, he believed, were too kind to hurl a stone at a mad dog; yet they would not scruple to raise their voice and cry "Mad dog," and then leave the rest to the rabble. In the New York Colonization Society there was one important fact. It is this - deduced from a paragraph in their report - that the republic of Liberia is not independent of the colony. The society had palmed deception on the world on this point. This report says that the society cheerfully consented to transfer to the republic all their title to more than a million of acres of territory, reserving the right to hold one-half of the land in trust, to afford household homes for future emigrants, and to devote to educational purposes one tenth of it. Yes, they hold in trust half of this million of acres - in trust for what? For the American Colonization Society. Is that bona fide independence? What! Suppose a foreign government would come here and interfere with the public lands, would it not compromise our independence, and would not this nation rise up as one man, and hurl such intruder from the territory? And yet these men tell us of the independence of the Republic of Liberia, while they are actually holding in trust five hundred thousand acres of land for the Colonization Society! Now, I say this is an important fact, and the republic is not bona fide independent. It is dangerous to the colony itself. Now, I have always said that, if it is proper for any << colored>> man to go to Africa at any time, the American Colonization Society should not have control over one inch of the soil. I do not mean to praise that line of policy introduced into the constitution of the republic, to exclude men from having land there; but I do say that here is a body of men, proved to be unfriendly to the interests of the race, who organized their society here, and that it is dangerous that they should have control over such an immense tract of land in Africa, and within the jurisdiction of an independent republic. It is a political anomaly which ought not be permitted to exist. In conclusion, let me say whatever is to be done in opposing the policy of this society, we can do it now, as well as we done it thirty years ago. I have sometimes thought that the most effectual way to do so is to re-enact those resolutions given in the second part of "Garrison's Thoughts on Colonization," commencing with Philadelphia, Baltimore, Boston, New Haven, and Albany, and to call on those several towns to reiterate these resolutions and addresses, and let the second edition of them go out through the press, and we can then know whether the people have changed their views; and if so, let that fact be known. I now endorse the same address which I wrote to the citizens of Brooklyn, twenty years ago. I father it. I take it to my heart. In it you have my sentiments. It is not necessary to occupy your time with further remarks. I second the resolutions and hope they will pass. Let us show to the world and to this country that we have a feeling of self-respect yet left. - Let it be seen that there is a chord which can be touched in our bosoms - and let us show that we have a right at least to the expression of our opinion. I am sure that all right thinking men must respect this course which we pursue, if they differ from us in opinion; and if they are men, they will not be surprised if we claim the same right to differ from them in opinion. I am prepared everywhere in my personal intercourse with those men - in my social intercourse when I have any - and in this public manner, and from my pulpit, to make it known, that I dissent in toto from this scheme, and I do not believe they have the right, whatever may be their motives, to send a mass of population to Africa. Africa does not need population. Africa is not likely to become depopulated; it is one of the most populous countries in the world. It has the bone, and sinew, and nerve, of one hundred and fifty millions, and it seems as an insult to old Mandingo and Congo to send over there our sickly men. What they want is the same that we give to other countries - Bibles, missionaries, well qualified teachers, and as many Christian families as can be spared to them, to go for the purpose of advancing the missionary enterprise. We must discriminate between colonization and christianization; they are two things, as distinct as the north from the south pole. Colonization has never done much for Christianity, in any part of the world; the history of colonization is a history of plunder and robbery. But let us send them Christian missionaries - that is what Africa wants. Holding these views, I go for the adoption of the resolutions, and hope they will pass, and that the people will adhere to the sentiments they contain. This is your home - here you are bound to rear your children. This is the corner stone of your future prosperity; and whenever you can spare your children to go on Christian missions, let them go; but this is the home of the masses of the people, and if they do not go on well and prosper here, "there is," as the Scotchman would say, "a screw loose," and you must see to that, and grease the wheels, and make the machinery go; and if you do this, it will go far to put a stop to this agitation of the old system of colonization. Mr. P. concluded amid such applause, and the meeting was next addressed by
Samuel E. Cornish, who said that nothing but a sense of duty to God, to his brethren, and to himself, as well as to Governor Hunt, induced him to come from his sick room on this occasion. He had obtained credible information, since issuing the call for this meeting, which helped to convince him that the sentiments contained in the message to the Legislature respecting them, were not at all the sentiments