MEMOIRS OF CAPT. << PAUL CUFFEE>> .
At this time, being about twenty years of age, he thought himself sufficiently
skilled to enter business on his own account. He laid before his brother David,
a plan for opening a commercial intercourse with the state of Connecticut. His
brother was pleased with the prospect, they built an open boat and proceeded
to sea. Here for the first time his brother found himself exposed to the perils
of the ocean, and the hazard of a predatory warfare which was carried on by
the Refugees. They had not traveled many leagues before his brother's fears
began to multiply and magnify its dangers; his courage sank and he resolved
to return. This disappointment was a severe trial to a young man of Paul's adventurous
and intrepid spirit, but he was affectionate and many years younger than his
brother, and was obliged to submit to his farm and labored diligently revolving
new scenes of commercial enterprise. He again collected the materials for another
effort and made the attempt. He went to sea, and lost all the little treasure,
which, by the sweat of his brow he had gathered. Paul however seems to have
possessed that active courage which is the offspring of a mind satisfied of
the practicability of his plans, and conscious of its power to accomplish its
purpose. He therefore resolutely determined to persevere in the road which he
had marked out for himself. The necessity of aiding his mother and her family,
was a constant and strong excitement to renew his efforts. His friends were
not sufficient to procure a boat, but in order to obviate this difficulty he
set himself earnestly to work, and with his own hands formed and completed a
boat from keel to gunwale. This vessel was without a deck, but he had been on
a whaling voyage and was therefore perfectly skilled in its management. having
launched his boat into the ocean, and when steering for one of the Elizabeth
Islands to consult with his brother on his future plan, he was discovered by
one of the Refugee Pirates, who chased and seized both him and his vessel; robbed
of every thing, he returned home pennyless, but without sinking under his discouragements.
Thus circumstanced, he applied to his brother David, who, though deterred by
the want of success which had hitherto attended Paul's attempts, yet acquiesced
in his proposal to build another boat if he would furnish the materials. This
being accomplished, the respectability of << Paul Cuffee's>> character
at this time, procured him sufficient credit to enable him to purchase a cargo.
He proceeded to Nantucket and on the voyage was again chased by refugee Pirates,
but escaped them, by night coming on. He however struck upon a rock on one of
the Elizabeth Islands, and so far injured his boat as to render it necessary
for him to return to Westport to refit; which being accomplished he again set
out for Nantucket, where he arrived in safety, but did not dispose of his cargo
to advantage. He afterwards undertook a similar voyage with better success,
but as he was returning home he again fell in the hands of the Pirates and was
deprived of his all except his boat, which they permitted him to take, not however
without his having received much personal injury and ill treatment from them.
Under such numerous and untoward discomfitures, the courage of most persons would have failed, but Paul's disposition was not of that yielding nature. He possessed the inflexible spirit of perseverance and firmness of mind which entitled him to a more successful issue of his endeavors, and he believed while he maintained integrity of heart and conduct he might humble hope for the protection of Providence. Under these impressions he prepared for another voyage; in his open boat with a small cargo, he again directed his course towards the Island of Nantucket. The weather was favorable and he arrived safely at the destined port, and disposed of his little cargo to advantage. The profits of this voyage, strengthening the confidence of his friends, enabled him still further to enlarge his plans.
At the time of his father's deceased, Paul had not received the benefits of education, and scarcely knew the letters of the alphabet. But this disadvantage he obviated by his assiduity, and at the period of his marriage could not only read and write, but was so well skilled in figures, that he was able to solve all the rules of arithmetic calculation. He then applied himself to navigation, in which by the assistance of a friend he made a rapid progress, and found himself able to engage in nautical and commercial undertakings of great extent.
To be Continued.
March 30, 1827
FREEDOM'S JOURNAL
New York, New York
MEMOIRS OF CAPT. << PAUL CUFFEE>> .
Being now master of a small covered boat of about 12 tons burthen, he hired
a person to assist as a seaman, and made many advantageous voyages to different
parts of the state of Connecticut and when about 25 years old married a native
of the country, a descendant of the tribe to which his mother belonged. - For
some time after his marriage he attended chiefly to his agricultural concerns,
but from an increase of family he at length deemed it necessary to pursue his
commercial plans more extensively than he had before done. - He arranged his
affairs for a new expedition and hired a small house on West Port river to which
he removed his family. A boat of 18 tons was now procured in which he sailed
to the banks of St. George in quest of Codfish and returned home with a valuable
cargo. This important adventure was the foundation of an extensive & profitable
fishing establishment from Westport river, which continued for a considerable
time and was the source of an honest and comfortable living to many of the inhabitants
of that district.
At this period Paul formed a connexion with his brother-in-law Michael Warner, who has several sons well qualified for the sea service, four of whom have since laudably filled responsible situations as Captains and first mates. A vessel of 25 tons was built, and in two voyages to the Straits of Belisle and Newfoundland he met with such success as enabled him, in conjunction with another person, to build another vessel of 41 tons burthen, in which he made several profitable voyages. Paul had experienced too many disadvantages of his very limited education, and he resolved, as far as it was practicable, to relieve his children from similar embarrassments. The neighborhood had neither a tutor nor a schoolhouse. Many of the citizens were desirous that a schoolhouse should be erected. About 1797 Paul proposed a meeting of the inhabitants for the purpose of making such arrangements as should accomplish the desired object. The collision of opinion respecting mode and place occasioned the meeting to separate without coming to a conclusion; several meetings of the same nature were held, but all were unsuccessful in their issue. Perceiving that all efforts to procure a union of sentiment were fruitless, Paul set himself to work in earnest and had a suitable house built on his own ground, which he freely gave up to the use of the public, and the school was open to all who pleased to send their children. How gratifying to humanity is this anecdote! and who that justly appreciates the human character would not prefer << Paul Cuffee>> , the offspring of an African slave, to the proudest statesman, that ever dealt out destruction among mankind? - About this time Paul proceeded on a whaling voyage to the straits of Belisle, where he found four other vessels completely equipped with boats and harpoons, for catching what Paul discovered that he had not made proper preparations for the business, having only ten hands on board and two boats, one of which was old and almost useless. When the masters of the other vessels found his situation they withdrew from the customary practice of such voyages and refused to mate with his crew. In this emergency, Paul resolved to prosecute his undertaking alone till at length two other masters thought it most prudent to accede to the usual practices as they apprehended his crew, by their ignorance, might alarm and drive the whales from their reach and thus defeat their voyages. During the season they took seven whales; the circumstances which had taken place roused the ambition of Paul, and his crew; they were diligent and enterprising and had the honor of killing six of the seven whales; two of these fell in Paul's own hands.
(To be Continued.)
April 6, 1827
FREEDOM'S JOURNAL
New York, New York
MEMOIRS OF CAPT. << PAUL CUFFEE>> .
He returned home in due season heavily freighted with oil and bone and arrived
in the autumn of 1796 being then about his 84th year. - His pecuniary circumstances
were by this time in a flourishing train. When in Philadelphia he purchased
iron necessary for bolts and other works suitable for a schooner of 60 or 70
tons, and soon after his return to Westport the keel of a new vessel was laid.
In 1796 his schooner of 69 tons burthen was launched and called "the Ranger."
Paul possessed two small fishing boats, but his money was exhausted, and the
cargo for his new vessel would require a considerable sum beyond his present
stock. He now sold his two boats and was enabled to place on board his schooner
a cargo valued at 2000 dollars: with this he sailed to Norfolk, on the Chesapeake
Bay and there learned that a very plentiful crop of Indian Corn had been gathered
that year on the eastern shore of Maryland, and that he could procure a schooner
load for a low price at Vienna on the Nanticoke river. Thither he sailed, but
on his arrival the people were filled with astonishment and alarm. A vessel
owned and commanded by a black man, and manned with a crew of the same complexion,
was unprecedented and surprising. The white inhabitants were struck with apprehension
of the injurious effects which circumstances would have on the minds of their
slaves, suspecting that he wished secretly to kindle the spirit of rebellion
and excite a destructive revolt among them. Under those notions several persons
associated themselves for the purpose of preventing Paul from entering his vessel
or remaining among them. On examination his papers proved to be correct and
the Custom House officers could not legally refuse the entry of his vessel.
Paul combined prudence with resolution and on this occasion conducted himself
with candor, modesty and firmness. His crew behaved not only inoffensively,
but with a conciliating propriety. In a few days the inimical association vanished
and the inhabitants treated him and his crew with respect and even kindness.
Many of the principal people visited his vessel and in consequence of the pressing
invitation of one of them Paul dined with his family in the town. In three weeks,
Paul sold his cargoe, and received into his schooner 3000 bushels of Indian
corn. - With this he returned to Westport where the article was in great demand:
his cargo sold rapidly and yielded him a profit of 1000 dollars. He unloaded
his vessel, sailed for Norfolk, sold his cargo and took in another, which on
his return proved as profitable as his first voyage. The home market was now
amply supplied with corn and it became necessary to seek a different employment
for his vessel he sailed to Passamaquoddy in search of a cargo. When he arrived
in the river, James Brian, a merchant of Wilmington (Delaware State) made him
a liberal offer for his vessel to carry a load of Gypsum. - Paul thought the
proposed price for the freight would equal the profits of any other business
and embraced the terms. He took on board the proposed cargo and proceeded to
Washington. Since that period some of the vessels in which Paul is concerned
have annually made one or two voyages to the same port. During the year 1757
after his return home, Paul purchased the house in which his family resided
and the adjoining farm. For the farm and its improvements he paid $3500 and
placed it under the management of his brother who is a Farmer.
(To be Continued.)
April 13, 1827
FREEDOM'S JOURNAL
New York, New York
MEMOIRS OF CAPT. << PAUL CUFFEE>> .
(Concluded.)
BY judicious plans, and diligence in their execution, Paul gradually increased
his property, and by his integrity and consistency of conduct, has gained the
esteem and regard of his fellow citizens. In the year 1800, he was concerned
in one half of the expence in building and equipping a brig of 162 tons burthen,
which portion he still holds. One fourth belongs to his brother, and the other
fourth is owned by persons not related to his family. This vessel is commanded
by Thomas Wainer, << Paul Cuffee's>> nephew, whose talents and character
are perfectly adequate to such a situation. The ship Aloha of 268 tons, carpenter's
measure, of which Paul owns three fourths, was built in 1806; of this vessel
he was the commander, the rest of the crew consisted of seven men of colour.
The ship has performed a voyage under his command from Wilmington to Savannah,
from thence to Gottenburg, and thence to Philadelphia.
After Paul's return in 1806, the brig Traveller, of 100 tons burthen was built at Westport, of one half of which he is the owner. After this period, Paul being extensively engaged in his mercantile and agricultural pursuits resided at Westport. For several years previous to this, Paul had turned his attention to the colony of Sierra Leona and was induced to believe from the communications from Europe and other sources, that his endeavours to contribute to the welfare, and that of his fellow men, might not be ineffectual. Under those impressions he sailed for Sierra Leona in the commencement of 1811, in the brig Traveller, his nephew Thomas Wainer being the captain. He arrived there after two months passage, and resided there about the same length of time. - The African Institution apprised of his benevolent designs, applied for and obtained a license. which, being forwarded to << Paul Cuffee>> , induced him to come to this country with a cargo of African produce; for the more effectual promotion of his primary intention, he left his nephew Thomas Wainer in the colony, and with the same disinterested views, brought with him Aaron Richards, a native of Sierra Leona, with a view of educating him, and particularly of instructing him on the art of navigation.
From the exertion of one individual, however ardently engaged, we ought not to form too high expectations, but from the little information we have obtained of his endeavors amongst the Colonists of Sierra Leona, and the open reception which he met with among them, there are strong grounds of hope that he has not sown the seeds of improvement upon an unfruitful soil.
He arrived here a few weeks since in the brig Traveller, (consigned to W. and R. Rathbone,) navigated by eight me of color and an apprentice boy; and it is but justice to the crew to observe that during their stay, they were remarkable for their good conduct and proper behaviour, and that the greatest cordiality appears to prevail among them. Since << Paul Cuffee's>> arrival; he has been twice in London, the second time at the request of the board of the African Institution, who were desirous of consulting with him as to the best means of carrying their benevolent news respecting Africa into effect.
From the preceding memoir, the reader must have become acquainted with the prominent feature of << Paul Cuffee's>> character. A sound understanding, united with energy and perseverance, seems to have rendered him capable of surmounting difficulties which would have discouraged an ordinary mind, whilst the failures which have attended his well concerted plans have rather resulted from casualties than from error in judgment. Born under peculiar disadvantages, deprived of the benefits of early education, and his meridian spent in toil and vicissitudes, he has struggled under disadvantages which have seldom occurred in the career of any individual. Yet under pressure of these difficulties he seemed to have fostered dispositions of mind which qualify him for any station in life which he may be introduced. His person is tall, well formed, and athletic; his deportment conciliating yet dignified and serious. His prudence strengthened by a paternal care and example, no doubt guarded him in his youth when exposed to dissolute company, which unavoidably attends a sea-faring life, whilst religion influencing his mind by its secret guidance in silent reflection, has in advanced manhood, added to the brightness of his character, and instituted and confirmed his disposition to practicable good.
On being questioned some years since, respecting the religious profession of his parents and himself, replied "I do not know that my father and mother were adopted as members of any society, but they followed the Quaker meeting," and as to Paul's religion, he has walked in the steps of his father, and is willing to give the right hand of fellowship to that people who walk nigh to God, called the children of light.
He has since made application and been received into membership with the Society of Friends.
Liverpool, Oct. 4, 1812.
September 8, 1855
PROVINCIAL FREEMAN
Chatham, Canada West
Died,
In New Bedford, August 10, Mrs. Mary F. Cuffee, widow of the late << Paul
Cuffee>> , aged 61 years.
August 4, 1832
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 2 No. 31
By a colored gentleman.
For the Liberator.
'THE MOUNTAIN IN LABOR BROUGHT FORTH A MOUSE.'
MR. EDITOR— It cannot, sir, be but satisfactory to you, as to us, and to all those good and worthy persons who are averse to the dark and unhallowed scheme of African Colonization, to know that, notwithstanding the multiplied notices that collections would be taken up the church and that church for the furtherance of that benevolent project, (African Colonization)— and that the very great, popular and eloquent Mr. Such-a-one will deliver an address suited to the occasion- the grand sum total of collections taken up at fifteen of the great churches in Philadelphia, is acknowledged by the Secretary of the Pennsylvania Auxiliary society as being $335,- 14 cts. Startling sum! Oh' for the immediate chartering of a 500 ton ship! Oh' for the deportation of five hundred black souls instanter! Glorious thought! liberal contributions! Now for another spire in the colony!- We will send out another Mr. Caesar- We will carry civilization, education and christianization by steam this year- and in our next Report of the 'rise and progress' of our dear colony, we will steamify every thing as regards 'poor benighted. bleeding, suffering Africa.' Yes, we can picture our little colony as the paradise of the world; we will tell again and again of the court-house, the school-house, meeting-house, and our Bassa Factory— and of our talented and educated men,— (not excepting Mr. Caesar)— we can tell them all this, and, if needs be we can tell them more.
But Mr. Editor, will there be any such exultation— any such exaggeration this year? Oh, no! I think there will not, cannot be. Methinks $355 will not meet the expenses of the second edition of that pious and benevolent production of the great and philanthropic Mathew Carey— to say nothing about secretary Gurley's salary, and the salaries of a good many others. It is true that there will be sums of money collected elsewhere, and perhaps some thousands may be raised, but what will that affect— what can it effect? We are a formidable people; and I believe it is a pretty well established fact, that not even the revenue of the United States can affect us. The agents of the Colonization Society are doing much for us: their sophistry and their hypocrisy have opened the eyes of a good many. The people begin to see, as we see, that the scheme is as dark as death, and that there is not one redeeming virtue in it; that it is based upon prejudice, that is unjust in its measures and effect.
Sir, the Society is strangling— I already hear its agonizing groans— soon, sir, it will give up the ghost— and friend Gurley, and a host of agents, Gov. Mechlin and all, will be obliged to seek some more creditable, and I hope equally as profitable employment as that of the American Colonization Society.
<< PAUL CUFFEE>> .
Philadelphia, July 25th, 1832.
April 23, 1831
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 1 No. 17
To the Editor of the Liberator.
SIR— It is with pleasure I have perused your valuable paper. Every column presents to the view of the interested reader, the rising genius of our colored brethren, which must be highly gratifying to every unprejudiced mind. Where is the person that can peruse the Liberator, and read with attention the fine language of the Colored Baltimorean, the noble sentiments of << Paul Cuffee>> , and the feeling poetry of Ada, and the productions of many others that fill its pages, and still hold the unfounded opinion that the intellect of the colored man is inferior to the white's? I hope ere long to see the day, when every one will blush at the recollection of his having cherished an opinion so uncharitable. May you succeed in the noble cause of which you have become the champion;— may the tree of philanthropy which you have planted, flourish until its branches extend to the uttermost parts of the globe.— The cause in which you have embarked is just— its aim is glorious, but its path is rough.— At one point you will encounter the heartless slave-dealer;— at another, the bold-faced colonizationist, to impede your progress;— but you, the friend of humanity, will defy such impediments; you will laugh at their fruitless attempts to arrest the friends of liberty on their way to the tribunal of justice. I hope my colored brethren will continue to lend the aid of their pens in rendering this valuable paper interesting; and, with a heart that feels duly concerned in the cause of the oppressed, I wish the editor success in his arduous and worthy vocation.
S.
Philadelphia, March 22nd, 1831.
April 2, 1831
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 1 No. 14
The annual State Election takes place on Monday next. Governor Lincoln will
probably be elected by an overwhelming majority. There will be hot work in some
counties, in the choice of Senators!
A word to the American Spectator next week. Mr. Orr will find another 'thrust of ingratitude' on the preceding page.
The communications of 'A Colored Lady of Medford,' 'S.,' 'Adrian,' 'Ada,' '<< Paul Cuffee>> ,' 'C.D.T.,' &c. are on file for insertion. 'An Eye Witness' next week. 'J.' is in type, but unavoidably postponed.
Accounts from China state, about a million of human beings have perished by the destructive energies of a hail-storm, earthquake and flood.
Intelligence of the death of Dr. Humphreys at Monrovia, Africa, is received.
April 9, 1831
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 1 No. 15
AVARICE.
To the Editor of the Liberator.
SIR— When I look around me, and discover the innumerable order of species in the brute creation and of the social compact, and the harmony which prevails amongst them; my mind is filled with wonder;— I feel that there exists another species; preeminently superior to them, infinitely more powerful and wise. But with all his wisdom, with all his superior functions of judging, comparing, and admiring the beauties of creation; man is man's worst foe!— Oh! Avarice, thou deadly worm of human existence— when will 'the venom of thy spleen' subside? Hast not yet thy cankering, soul-destroying nature satiated its brutish appetite? Hast thou not sufficiently marred and desolated the peaceful habitations of ill-fated Africa? Hast thou not yet satisfied thy demon-thirst, in the blood of innocent victims? Ah! no. The redolent groves of Africa, and the goodly savannahs of Columbia, bespeak thy existence. Wo! wo! to that mortal, in whose bosom thou holdest despotic sway!— For the time is fast coming, which is procreative of dangers— great and lasting. For the Great Arbiter of nations has, in his infallible word, declared, that the wicked shall be punished, and that He will be the friend of the oppressed.
<< PAUL CUFFEE>> .
March 12, 1831
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 1 No. 11
TO CORRESPONDENTS. Our columns bear testimony of our readiness to accommodate
our numerous correspondents, at the expense of editorial matter and the news
of the day. 'P.H.' “Adrian, '<< Paul Cuffee>> ,' 'C.D.P.'
'A.B.' 'A Colored Philadelphian,' will be inserted as soon as convenient. 'Ada'
is in type.
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 1 No. 12
'Magawisca,' 'Adrian,' '<< Paul Cuffee>> ,' and the communications
from Hartford, will be inserted next week.
October 22, 1885
THE CHRISTIAN RECORDER
Philadelphia, PA
Personal
-----
- Mr. Moody is evangelizing in small Massachusetts towns.
-----
- John B. Gough opens the Star Course of lectures in Boston.
-----
- Rev. S.D.W. Smith, in company with W.B. Heath, called at our office last week.
-----
- Cardinal McCloskey, the only American ever honored with the dignified office
of Cardinal, is dead.
-----
- W.S. Darr, a member of the A.M.E. Church in Camden, N.J., in justice of the
peace in his city, and as such is quite popular.
-----
- Rev. J.W. Beckett and the church at Wilmington, Del., collected over $500
to pay on the principal of their church debt Sunday, 11th inst.
-----
- Rev. W.H. Yeocum has returned from his Western trip, and Mrs. Yeocum has gone
to Baltimore and Washington for a few weeks' pleasure with friends.
-----
- Next Sunday Rev. A.H. Newton, Camden, N.J., has his grand rally, expecting
to raise at least $1000. Elder Newton is well sustaining the reputation of the
Camden pastorate.
-----
- Long Branch, under the pastorate of Rev. C.H. Green, appears to be in good
condition. The CHRISTIAN RECORDER is popular there. The church has discharged
about $300 of its indebtedness.
-----
- Bishop Cain called at our office October 10th on his way to dedicate the Madison
(N.J.) church. We are pleased to inform our readers that the Bishop's health
is slowly yet surely improving.
-----
- Rev. F.J. Cooper and wife, of the New England Conference, have recently spent
a pleasant visit with old friends in New Jersey and Delaware, their native State.
Their visit to our office was highly appreciated.
-----
- Rev. Sturges, of Orange, N.J., visiting relatives in Salem County, N.J., preached
a very interesting sacramental sermon at Yorktown, Sunday, 11th inst. He is
said to be very popular with his people in Orange.
-----
- Mention has been made of Mr. Douglass' contributions to the Encyclopaedia
Britanica. Prof. R.T. Greener enjoys the honor of being the first colored contributor
to the Encyclopaedia, he having already furnished articles on Ira Aldridge,
<< Paul Cuffee>> , Forten, Durham and several other negro characters
to the Encyclopaedia nearly a year ago, by special request of the publishers
of the Philadelphia edition.
-----
- When about to leave Broad Street depot, Philadelphia, Thursday morning, 15th,
we observed the Honorable Frederick Douglass passing through the depot and in
the evening of the same day it was our good pleasure to meet, at the same place,
the Rt. Rev. and Mrs. J.P. Campbell. Mr. Douglass had delivered a lecture in
Media the night before; Bishop Campbell was returning from Western conferences.
Both were looking remarkably well.
March 16, 1827
FREEDOM'S JOURNAL
New York, New York
From the Liverpool Mercury.
MEMOIRS OF CAPT. << PAUL CUFFEE>> .
"On the first of the present month of August, 1811, a vessel arrived at
Liverpool, with a cargo from Sierra Leone; the owner, master, mate, and whole
crew of which are free blacks. The master, who is also owner, is the son of
an American slave, and is said to be very well skilled both in trade and navigation,
as well as to be of a very pious and moral character. It must have been a strange
and an animating spectacle to see this free and enlightened African, entering
as an independent trader with his black crew into that port, which was so lately
the nidus of the slave trade. - Edinburgh Review for August, 1811.
We are happy in having an opportunity of confirming the above account, and at
the same time of laying before our readers an authentic memoir of Capt. <<
Paul Cuffee>> , the master and owner of the vessel above alluded to, who
sailed from this port on the 20th ult. with a licence from the British Government,
to prosecute his intended voyage to Sierra Leone. - The father of << Paul
Cuffee>> was a native of Africa, - whence he was brought as a slave into
Massachusetts. He was there purchased by a person named Slocum, and remained
in slavery a very considerable portion of his life. He was named Cuffee, but
as it is usual in those parts, took the name of Slocum, as expressing to whom
he belonged. Like many of his countrymen he possessed a mind far superior to
his condition; although he was diligent in the business of his master, and faithful
to his interest, yet by great industry and economy he was enabled to purchase
his personal liberty. At the same time the remains of several Indian tribes,
who originally possessed the right of soil, resided in Massachusetts. Cuffee
became acquainted with a woman descended from one of those tribes, named Ruth
Moses, and married her. He continued in habits of industry and frugality, and
soon afterwards purchased a farm of 100 acres at the point in Massachusetts.
Cuffee and Ruth had a family of ten children. The three eldest sons, David,
Jonathan, and John, are farmers in the neighborhood of West Point; filling respectable
situations in society, and endowed with good intellectual capacities. They are
all married, and have families to whom they are giving good educations. Of six
daughters four are respectably married, while two remain single. Paul was born
on the Island of Cutterhumpker, one of the Elizabeth Islands, near New Bedford,
in the year 1759 - when he was about fourteen years of age, his father died,
leaving a considerable property in land, but which being at that time unproductive,
afforded but little provision for his numerous family, and thus the care of
supporting his mother and sisters devolved upon his brothers and himself. At
this time Paul conceived that commerce furnished to industry more ample rewards
than agriculture, and he was conscious that he possessed qualities which under
proper culture, would enable him to pursue commercial employments with prospects
of success - he therefore entered at the age of sixteen, as a common hand on
board of a vessel destined to the bay of Mexico, on a whaling voyage. His second
voyage was to the West Indies, but on his third he was captured by a British
ship during the American war, about the year 1776 - after three months detention
as a prisoner, at New York, he was permitted to return home to Westport, where
owing to the unfortunate continuance of hostilities he spent about two years
in his agricultural pursuits. During this interval Paul and his brother John
Cuffee, were called on by the collector of the district, in which they resided,
for the payment of a personal tax. It appeared to them, that by the laws and
constitution of Massachusetts, taxation and the whole rights of citizenship
were united. If the laws demanded of them the payment of the personal taxes,
the same laws must necessarily and constitutionally invest them with the right
of representing and being represented in the state legislature. But they had
never been considered as entitled to the privilege of voting at elections, nor
of being elected to places of trust and honor. Under these circumstances they
refused payment of the demands. The collector resorted to the force of the laws,
and after many delays and detentions, Paul and his brother deemed it most prudent
to silence them by paying the demands; but they resolved, if it were possible
to obtain the rights which they believed to be connected with taxation. They
presented a respectful petition to the state legislature. - From some individuals
it met with a warm, and almost indignant opposition. A considerable majority
was, however, favorable to their object. They perceived the propriety and justice
of the petition, and with an honorable magnanimity, in defiance of the prejudice
of the times, they passed a law rendering all free persons of color liable to
taxation, according to the established ration, for white men, and granting them
all the privileges, belonging to the other citizens. This was a day equally
honorable to the petitioners and the legislature - a day which ought to be gratefully
remembered by every person of color, within the boundaries of Massachusetts,
and the names of John and << Paul Cuffee>> , should always be united
with its recollection.
To be Continued.
January 28, 1832
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 2 No. 4
MATHEW CAREY'S PAMPHLET.
To the Editor of the Liberator.
SIR— Mathew Curey, Esq. the great philanthropist and thorough-going colonizationist, has published a pamphlet on Colonization. It appears that Mr. Carey's acquaintance with the disposition of the people of color in the north, in relation to African Colonization, is extremely limited; else he would not have wasted his time and money in publishing a pamphlet full of the exploded doctrines of colonizationists; or the benevolent gentleman must have possessed more than ordinary vanity to have thought that, after all that has been said by some of our great statesmen and greater slaveholders, in behalf of the 'Heaven-born scheme,' and which has effected little or nothing, he could add any thing which would tend to convince or induce the people of color of the North and East, to emigrate to Liberia. No— I cannot think that Mr. Carey is so wofully ignorant of the dispositions of our people, in relation to the African colony: he must certainly have seen such resolutions as follow, coming from the people of color from every city and town north of the Potomac. 'We were born in this country, and this is our home— we will know no other.' 'Here we were born, here we will live, and here we will die.' The hon. gentleman suggests the plan of sending out to Liberia five or more of our most intelligent brethren, to investigate the state of affairs, as they actually are in said colony. This is needless. First— I do not believe that there could be found five intelligent persons of color, who would feel disposed to make such an investigation; and secondly— we have sufficient evidence, by letters from colonists, infinitely more intelligent than Francis Devany and captains of vessels, whose character for truth and veracity is as good as Captains Sherman and Nicholson.
We have heard a great deal about Francis Devany's intelligence, and his twenty
thousand dollars; the frequent mention of which is, doubtless, to tempt the
inconsiderate of our people to emigrate. Now, it is very strange that we all
here think Mr. D. to be a very ignorant man; and we astonish the colonists when
we inform them that here it is reported Devany has amassed the goodly sum of
twenty thousand. 'Why,' say they, 'no man in the colony would venture to offer
him four thousand dollars for his property.' As to the 'satisfaction and contentment
which reign amongst the emigrants,' they tell us of direful disappointments,
of loathsome disease, and horrid mortality. Instead of 'sweet breezes, and odoriferous
plants, and fertile soil,' they tell us of a humid atmosphere, rotten vegetation,
fetid swamps, and scorching sands. Our captains say they hate to go on shore;
for no sooner landed, prostrate to the earth, and on bended knees, the victim
of emigration supplicates them in the most heart-rending manner, crying, 'Captain,
take me but to America— I'll bind myself to you, and serve you as long
as life lasts, as a menial— a slave!' Oh, horrid! horrid! Humanity,
philanthropy, where are thy blushes? But to Mr. Carey. He says, 'no merit, no
services, no talents, can ever elevate us to a level with the whites.' Whence
does Mathew Carey receive this foresight, or art of seeing into futurity? Would
he dare deny God one of his attributes? Are not all things possible with the
great I
AM— He who rules the destinies of nations? Again says the benevolent
gentleman, 'The strong opposition to the establishment of a negro college in
New-Haven speaks in a language not to be mistaken the jealousy with which they
are regarded. And there is no reason to expect that the lapse of centuries will
make any change in this respect. They will, always, unhappily, be regarded as
an inferior race.' This clearly evinces the prejudice which I have always thought
was the moving principle of the generality of colonizationists. The proceedings
of the citizens of New-Haven have met with a general burst of indignation; heads
as wise, and hearts with certainly less prejudice than Mr. Carey's, have thought
the conduct of the citizens of New-Haven disgraceful to them. As to the people
of color being perpetually an inferior race, we have as much right to judge
as Mr. Carey: if an improvement in knowledge will make us so, we certainly shall
be so.
Finally— we will inform Mr. Carey, that all attempts by him or his colleagues, the colonizationists, to implant the desire of colonization in our hearts, will be forever futile; and our request to Mr. Carey, and all other colonizationists, is to aid us in this our home, or let us alone.
<< PAUL CUFFEE>> .
Philadelphia, Jan. 19, 1832.
September 29, 1854
FREDERICK DOUGLASS' PAPER
Rochester, New York
MISCELLANEOUS.
<< PAUL CUFFEE>> .
Without pretending to claim for the subject at the present sketch a very high
place in the scale of intellectual endowment, we may adduce him as an example
of great mental energy, perseverance and enterprise. Few white men have ever
struggled with, and overcome, greater difficulties than << Paul Cuffee>>
, whose career is instructive, not only as showing that there is no inherent
defect or weakness in the negro mind, but also as an example of what may be
done, by a determined will and sound judgement, to ensure worldly prosperity,
and assist our fellow creatures, even with scanty means and limited opportunities.
Paul was the fourth son of a native African, who, having been brought as a slave
to Boston, was enabled, by great industry and economy, to save a sufficient
sum to purchase, first his freedom, and then a farm of one hundred acres, which
was situated at Westport, in Massachusetts. He married a woman of Indian descent,
by whom he had a family of ten children. The date of Paul's birth is 1759, and
in 1773 his father died; and after assisting his brothers for awhile in the
cultivation of their land, which was not very, productive, he resolved to forsake
agriculture for commerce, and to cast in his lot with those who “go down
to the sea in ships, and do their business upon the mighty waters.” His
first voyage was a whaling expedition; his second trip to the West Indies; and
in both of these he served as a common sailor before the mast. In the year 1776
when Britain and America were at war, he set on his third voyage, and had the
misfortune to be taken prisoner and carried to New York, where he was detained
3 months. At the end of that time, being released, he returned to Westport,
and there remained for several years, occupied in his own pursuits. It was at
this time, while he was yet under the age of twenty, that Paul, who we are told,
felt deeply the injustice done to his race by their exclusion from the rights
of citizenship, resolved on making an effort to obtain those rights, and accordingly
drew up with the assistance of his brothers, and presented to the State Legislature
a petition on the subject, which had the desired effect, and procured for the
free negroes of that State all the privileges of white citizens; and not of
this alone, for others soon followed the example of Massachusetts; and thus
<< Paul Cuffee>> became a benefactor to the whole colored population
of North America.
When about twenty years old the idea of opening a commercial intercourse with
the State of Connecticut occurred to Paul; and his brother David having consented
to join him in the venture, the two set out in an open boat, which was all their
limited means would allow them to procure. The perils of the voyage in this
small vessel discouraged the elder brother, who was quite unaccustomed to the
sea, and he greatly disappointed Paul by resolving to return and abandon the
enterprise. By dint of hard labor and strict economy, the more fearless brother,
after awhile, was enabled to purchase a boat for himself: in this he embarked,
but the facts were unpropitious, and Paul lost the whole of his hard-earned
treasures. Again he set to work, and again saved some money, and, buying only
the materials, constructed a boat with his own hands. Behold him now in his
deckless vessel once more launched on the treacherous sea, steering for the
Elizabeth Isles, to consult on e of his brothers residing there as to his future
plans. He is beset by pirates, who take hi boat and its contents, and send him
back to Westport penniless, but not a disheartened man. With the help of David
he constructs yet another boat; and having now gained a character for energy
and trustworthiness, he obtains a cargo on credit, which, after a narrow escape
from the pirates, he lands safely at Nantucket, and there disposes of it to
advantage. He returns, and again ventures forth upon the water with another
cargo, which is seized by his old enemies, who this time do not deprive him
of his boat. Nothing daunted, Paul loads her again, sets sail, and this time
succeeds in reaching the destined port without casualties. The profits of this
voyage enable him to purchase a decked vessel of twelve tons burden, with which
he made several successful voyages to the Connecticut coasts, so that he became
a man of some substance, and now thought he might venture upon taking a wife.
He chose a descendant o the same tribe of Indians as that to which his mother
belonged, and for some years after his marriage remained on shore, engaged in
agriculture. The wants of an increasing family against set him forth upon the
sea, with a larger vessel than he had yet possessed. He engaged in cod fishing,
and thus increased his means so much, as to be abled to build a brig of forty-two
tons burden, which was navigated by himself an several nephews, who had also
become sailors.
Paul now began to be looked upon as a leading man in his community, and to interest
himself about the mental improvement of the people around him, who were chiefly
mariners and fishermen, who depended greatly upon him for the means of support.
He was himself, in a great measure, and uneducated man, and, feeling the want
of education, was desirous that others should not be so deprived of its advantages;
he there fore built a school house on his own ground, and threw it open to the
public. Still increasing in property as years rolled on, he became owner of
several ships, in one of which he came to England in the year 1811, and made
a very favorable impression upon all with whom he had intercourse. In the Liverpool,
Mercury, published at the time of his visit, their appeared a memoir of him,
from which we quote the following description of his mental and physical characteristics:
“A sound understanding, united with indomitable energy and perseverance,
are the prominent features of << Paul Cuffee's>> character. Born
under peculiar disadvantages, deprived of the benefits of early education, and
his meridian spent in toil and vicissitudes, he has struggled under disadvantages
which have seldom occurred in the career of any individual. Yet, under the pressure
of these difficulties, he seems to have fostered dispositions of mind which
qualify him for any station of life to which he is introduced. His person is
tall, well formed, and athletic; his deportment conciliating, yet dignified
and serene. His prudence, strengthened by parental care and example no doubt
guarded him in his youth, when exposed to the dissolute company which unavoidably
attends a seafaring life; whilst religion influencing his mind by it secret
guidance in silent reflection, has, in advancing manhood, added to the brightness
of his character, an instituted or confirmed his disposition to practical good.
Latterly he made application and was received into membership with the respectable
Society of Friends.”
As a proof of the disposition for practical good here spoken of, it may be mentioned,
that the scheme of establishing colonies of free blacks on the coast of Africa
excited in him the deepest interest. He visited in person the parts of proposed
for colonization, and it was while he was at Sierra Leone for this purpose,
in 1811, that he was induced by the agents of the British African Institute
to determine on visiting England, with a cargo of African produce. His brig,
navigated by eight men and a boy, all negroes, excited a great deal of attention
on reaching Liverpool, and he himself obtained much notice and respect from
men of all classes. He had left his nephew behind him at Sierra Leone to prosecute
his benevolent inquiries, and had brought away a native youth, in order to educate
and fit him for a teacher of his benighted brethren. To the Council of the African
Institute, who consulted him as to the bet method of carrying out their philanthropic
views, he imparted valuable information and advice; and, after visiting London
twice, he returned to America, to spend the remainder of his days in the enjoyment
of that competency which he had so well earned, and which enabled him to obey
the prompting of his warm and generous heart. Of the date of his death we have
no record. Most of the members of his family are still, we believe, engaged
in those commercial pursuits in which he was so enterprising and successful.
God's Image in Ebony.
September 21, 1827
FREEDOM'S JOURNAL
New York, New York
FOR THE FREEDOM'S JOURNAL.
AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
No. II.
The intentions of an individual, even when unquestionably good, do not preserve
us from the ills he inflicts, yet they palliate his guilt and alleviate our
misery. Our minds ought to be disposed to judge favourable of the characters
and motives of others. Needless an inadversion on the motives and conduct of
an adversary, indicates a weak cause or a feeble advocate. In judicial process,
a man is to be accounted innocent, until he is convicted; and in moral process,
we must suppose him to mean well, until we have evidence of the contrary. Credulity,
however, is not charity. It is not to be concealed, that many true friends to
Africa, have their suspicions in regard to the object of this institution. They
believe it to be a cunningly devised fable, for perpetuating without molestation
the evils of slavery. Let us ascertain, of possible, whether or not, these fears
are well founded.
We must concede to the advocate of the American Colonization Society the privilege allotted to others, of stating the sort and amount of his defence. We must permit him, at the commencement of his gauntlet, to unlade himself of those incumbrances that others have appended to him, and to avail himself to the full of his unfettered members. We presume there are but few who will defend every argument that has at any time been adduced in support of this institution. Persons from different parts of our country, of exceedingly different habits and interests, cannot be expected to patronize it precisely on the same grounds. An enlightened advocate of the Society, must doubtless admit, that insinuations in regard to the coloured people have sometimes been thrown out of no very charitable aspect. He must regret, that some gave dwelt so much upon the necessity of ridding community pests and nuisances! He will only defend the object of the Society as such. He can only maintain that the motives are good, of the mass of those composing it. He will merely claim, that allowances must be made for the prejudice of the white man, as well as for those of the coloured man. He will contend that a good cause ought not to be injured in our estimation, nor the motives of its friends impeached, because that individuals befriend it on selfish principles. He will make his appeal to one of confessed wisdom, who rejoiced that a good cause was patronized, though it was out of envy. Phil. i. 18. He will abandon the few to their doom, and extend his defence only to the motives of the many.
For my own part, I am pretty well convinced that the motives of the institution are pure; and this, if I mistake not, is a point conceded by most of those essays on the subject, which have appeared in the "JOURNAL." The ground of this favourable judgment, in my own mind, is the well known character of those who have been, and are its principal Friends. Some of our correspondents, and perhaps the public generally, are mistaken in relation to the origin of this Society. It did not originate among slave-holders, though its most efficient patronage at first was derived from individuals of slave-holders states. << Paul Cuffee>> , if my memory serves me correctly, was its early and permanent friend. Its originator was Robert Finley, Pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Baskinridge, (N.J.) who now "rests from his labours, and his works do follow him." Of this fact the reader need entertain no doubt, because I knew it to be true, from the testimony of one yet surviving and of high standing, with whom Dr. Finley conferred before his plan was made public. His most efficient coadjutor and successor in the Colonization scheme, was E.B. Cauldwell, Esq. of Washington. This gentleman, also, was a native of New Jersey, and his character for integrity and piety is well known. He died about two years ago, remarking with thankfulness on his death-bed, "The Lord has heard my prayers in regard to Africa." Samuel J. Mills, pastor of the Presbyterian church in Woodbridge, (N.J.) was an early victim to his zeal in this cause. The Rev. William Mead, of Virginia, and F. Key, Esq. of Georgetown, are among its most efficient surviving friends. The former of these gentlemen has made sacrifices of time and money to no small amount, in advocating its interest: and the latter, apart from the sacrifices he has made on behalf of this institution, has befriended more Africans in his official character than most of his day.
As a general remark, it is true, that the most efficient patrons of the American Colonization Society, are also the most active in the confessedly benevolent enterprizes of the day, and vice versa. The clergy especially, and of every denomination, as far as my knowledge extends, are its zealous advocates. I do not maintain that this holds universally, but the exceptions are very few. There is one at Charleston. A certain Dr. Furman [?]! who received a vote of thanks from the Legislature of South Carolina, for a book he wrote in defence of slavery: but I presume the advocates of colonization, are not very desirous of his patronage. The Penn-Auxiliary Colonization Society has in its board of managers five clergymen, two lawyers, two physicians, and two members of the Society of "Friends." The Society of Friends were not a little jealous of this institution when first organized, and many of them are so at present; but their suspicions have abated greatly; and I am well convinced that ere long they will be its most efficient supporters, as they are doubtless the most cordial enemies of slavery. In the state of North Carolina the Friends seem to be decided in their approbation; and in the city of Philadelphia, at their last yearly meeting they made an appropriation of three thousand dollars, indirectly in support of the American Colonization Society. I am constrained to form the same judgment of the American Colonization Society, by the converse of the statement just made, by the well known character for the most part of those who are its enemies. Here, as in the other case, I recognize exceptions, particularly among the Friends: but the mass of those who are most hostile to this Society, may be placed in the nadir of liberty. My acquaintance in the South enables me to speak on this subject from personal knowledge: the enemies of this institution are the unblushing advocates of slavery. Of public characters, I would refer the reader to the blustering governor of Georgia, and to those waspish members in Congress, who have been most rancorous in their hostility to this society. And why have they opposed it? Because of its alledged indifference with the subject of slavery! Because it is an insidious scheme to cheat them of their property! They wish to lord it over their fellow creatures and equals, (Declaration of Independence, aye and superiors, for can any man be lower than truth!) without control! With a Vandal barbarity, they contemplate the perpetuation of slavery, and its attendant evils, till the remotest generations! And brutishly argue, (I have heard them!) that "black people have no souls, and were made to be hewers of wood and drawers of water!"
Such, as a general fact, are the Friends and the Enemies of the "American Society for colonizing the Free People of Colour;" and their respective characters are, to my apprehension, a sufficient guarantee as to the motives of the institution. In this, indeed, as in other grand enterprises of benevolence, the mass of community are too listless to investigate its merits or its demerits, or too penurious to contribute to its influence.
Many sincere friends of liberty are prejudiced against this society, from misapprehending and misconstruing the circumstances of its origin, and by blending the misconduct of some of its members with the character of the institution itself. Why, it is asked, was it so liberally patronized by slave-holders, if it be not a mere device of their own? This, as has already been shewn, in partly a mistake; but it is also partly a misconstruction of the conduct of its early friends. The founders of the society had a very important, and a very difficult work in contemplation. Their ultimate destination was the slave states. Success was not to be attained without the co-operation of these states themselves. The plans hitherto resorted to, had proved abortive. The utmost jealousy had been uniformly manifested, of every scheme which had its origin and principal patronage in free states. No hearing was likely to be obtained in the South, in behalf of the American Colonization Society, if it came recommended from such a quarter. The founders of this society acted circumspectly - they acted wisely. They took the plan that gave them most prospect of success. They located the institution within the bounds of a slave-holding state. They selected for officers, many who were slave-holders. They gave the Southern community, that guarantee in regard to their measures, which a people have in regard to a representative when he is chosen from among themselves, and has his interests in common with them. Shall we suspect their motives because they acted discreetly, in accordance with the exigency of the case? I am not now canvassing the merits, or demerits of the society itself. This, by Divine permission, I shall attempt hereafter: but I am now assigning to the reader, those reasons which have influenced me to judge favourably of the motives of the institution. May the Lord prosper every good work, and may the counsels of the wicked be turned into foolishness!
J.H.K.
March 2, 1833
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 3 No. 9
DEBATE AT SALEM.
In the preceding page we have inserted a plain statement of facts. from the pen of Mr. Buffum, in relation to the origin and termination of the debate at Salem, between himself and Mr. Danforth, the Agent of the Colonization Society. It places the conduct of Mr. D. and his assistants in a very contemptible position, but not half so contemptible as it deserves to be put. Were it not for the crowded state of our columns, we should proceed to expose the chicanery and fraud which were resorted to by these individuals; but we shall perform this duty hereafter. The whole affair was highly disgraceful to them and their cause, and we doubt not that they blush in reviewing it. The original disturber and intruder was the Rev. Mr. Babcock and his imitators were Mr. William Ladd, the Rev. Dr. Flint. two students from Andover named Smith and M'Lain, and one Parsons.
We have barely time and room, this morning, to notice a sketch of the debate, as given in the Salem Register of Thursday. It contains five capital errors.
Error First. 'Each of the disputants had two or three auxiliaries to aid in the discussions, it being understood that the meeting would allow other gentlemen to speak.'
It is not true that Mr. Buffum had any auxiliaries, to sustain the resolution in debate. Neither Mr. Johnson nor Mr. Garrison said one word, in reference to the resolution calculated to bias the audience favorably or unfavorably to it. They simply stated that the disputants were bound in good faith and honor to discuss the original resolutions, and contradicted two assertions which were made by certain individuals, in no wise affecting the subject of discussion. A sense of propriety kept them from going into the merits of the Colonization Society: and to represent them as auxiliaries to Mr. Buffum is gross injustice.
But it is true that Mr. Danforth called in foreign aid, which he obtained after much labor, to save him from a total defeat. This aid was thrust in on both evenings[ ] most unfairly, and at a crisis when it was apparent that three-fourths of the meeting were in favor of adopting the second resolution.
Who understood that the meeting would allow other gentlemen to speak? Not Mr.
Buffum— for he remonstrated against such an intrusion. Not Mr.
Danforth— for he had previously stipulated that there should be no interference
by either party. Not the friends of Mr. Buffum— for they had not the
slightest intimation or suspicion that such liberty would be given. The Rev.
Mr. Babcock? He should have been promptly put down by the chairman; and, had
it been an obscure person, instead of the Rev. Mr. Babcock, he doubtless would
have been put down, or, perchance, put out of the hall. Messrs. Ladd. Flint,
and the reserve? These heard Mr. Buffum state that the condition, and the only
condition upon which he had agreed to meet Mr. Danforth, was, that they two
alone should debate the question. The chairman? How could he draw such a conclusion?
Was the violation of the rules of the controversy on the first evening, a sufficient
excuse for their violation on the second?
Error Second. 'Some interesting letters were read, (by the Andover committee,) bearing upon the questions in dispute.'
These letters related chiefly to the course pursued by the Editor of the Liberator, and were wholly irrelevant to the resolution which was under consideration.
Error Third. 'The remarks of Dr. Flint, Mr. Ladd. and a gentleman from Andover, who is a native of North Carolina, were particularly impressive and cogent.'
Dr. Flint betrayed great ignorance of the subject, and took a most unpardonable latitude. His remarks were 'particularly' idle and adventurous. Thus: 'Mr. Chairman, if the first resolution were under discussion, I think I could show that it is not correct. The Colonization Society was not founded by slaveholders ----- Mr. Danforth, who was its founder? (Mr. D— 'Rev. Robert Finley of New-Jersy'!!!) Oh, yes— Mr. Finley: perhaps some slaveholders had something to do with it ----- I am inclined to think, Mr. Chairman, that the scheme was conceived by the Rev. Dr. Hopkins of Newport, a worthy divine, as early as the year 17—.' How instructive! how intelligent! And thus the Dr. rambled, according to the Register, in a most 'impressive and cogent' style!
Mr. Ladd exhibited much good natured nonsense, not forgetting his everlasting stories about Capt. << Paul Cuffee>> , how he sailed with him to Europe— and about John B. Russwurm, how he 'saw him graduate'— and about abolitionists 'driving the wedge but end foremost,' how he was for driving it right— and about the steam-boiler and the safety valve, &c. The auditors were exceedingly tickled, and Mr. Ladd was gratified in cracking anew his old jokes, which, as saith the Register, were 'impressive and cogent'!
Error Fourth. 'The third resolution was withdrawn.'
Mr. Buffum was anxious to discuss it, but Mr. Danforth peremptorily refused to 'waste any more time' upon Mr. B. Mr. Buffum now challenges any individual to a public discussion of the third resolution. No principle was involved in the second; and, consequently, its rejection or acceptance was of little importance. Yet, had the vote been taken upon it, while the debate was confined to Messrs B. and D., it would have passed by a large majority.
Error Fifth. 'The discussion was maintained with considerable ability by Messrs Danforth and Buffum— the former evincing a gentlemanly and courteous deportment,' &c.
This is the most enormous error of the five. Every impartial spectator must have been disgusted with Mr. D's low slang about 'the ex-President and the ex-Secretary of the New-England Anti-Slavery Society,' and his coarse personalities. He displayed a levity of manner which ill became his profession and the solemnity of the theme, and a shallowness of wit which was altogether insufferable. In the grasp of Mr. Buffum, he was crushed as easily as an egg.
In the course of this disorderly discussion, a short collision took place between the Rev. Dr. Flint and the Editor of the Liberator— the cause of which is explained in the following Note, which was inserted in the Salem Register of Thursday.
BOSTON, Feb. 23, 1833.
To the Editor of the Register.
SIR,— To obviate any misapprehensions which may arise in the minds
of individuals, in relation to the occurrence that took place between the Rev.
Dr. Flint and myself, on Friday evening, permit me to state that when I replied
to him, I was ignorant of his name and profession— consequently, I intended
no personal disrespect or impeachment; that I understood him to represent, as
a matter of fact, or to stamp this impression upon the minds of the audience,
that the free colored inhabitants of Baltimore were a miserable and worthless
class, and the slaves exactly the reverse;— that, thus construing his
statement, I pronounced it to be untrue, from my own personal knowledge, having
resided several months in that city; and that I did not mean to charge him with
making a wilful misrepresentation. Whether he was a good or a bad man—
a lover of truth or falsehood— a friend of liberty or slavery—
I knew not, on rising to answer him. My object was, simply, to vindicate the
free colored Baltimoreans from the reproach cast upon
them— whether purposely or ignorantly cast, I could not tell, until
the name of the gentleman was communicated to me. On ascertaining it, I was
immediately satisfied of his integrity, and great moral worth. An explanation
was promptly given to the meeting.
By inserting this note in the Register, you will greatly oblige
Yours, respectfully,
WM. LLOYD GARRISON.
As a commentary upon the above, we suppose, the Register appends to it the following paragraph:
Free People of Color and Slaves in Baltimore.— Of the interments in this city, 1162 were colored, 998 free, and 164 slaves; a frightful disproportion, but easily accounted for by those who live in slave States, and showing the incomparably better condition of slaves than of free negroes. The population in 1830 was 80,-990, of which number 18,967 were colored, 14,783 free, and 4,124 slaves.— Luth. Obs.
Just as much confidence may be placed in the foregoing statement, as in the lying bulletins of a routed commander-in-chief, or the tales of Munchausen. Falsehood is stamped upon its very face. It contains a nefarious and naked slander in the assertion that 'the condition of the slaves is incomparably better than of free negroes.' How a religious periodical, like the New-York Evangelist or Lutheran Observer, could consent to give currency to such a stupid fiction, such an apology for a system of blood, and cruelty, and all abominable wickedness, is truly incomprehensible, and certainly inexcusable. We assert that no reliance can be placed upon the weekly or yearly returns of free colored and slave interments in any of the southern cities. It is one of the devices of the kidnappers to make the bill of mortality among the free people of color a larger one, in order to impose upon the people of the North. In Baltimore, if we remember aright, there is a grave-yard expressly for the free people of color, in which many a defunct slave, who has free relations, is interred, and he is then reported as a free man of color!
The following paragraph, from the Genius of Universal Emancipation for March 5, 1830, then printed in Baltimore, throws some light upon this subject:
'Error in the Bill.— A stranger, on looking at our weekly bills of mortality, would be led to the conclusion, that an active pestilence raged among the free blacks, as if envious of their liberty! By the same criterion, he would suppose that the slaves were an immortal race of beings, over whom the gaunt King of Terrors held no dominion. The truth is, the longevity of the former, on an average, is longer than that of the latter. We could state some facts on this subject, that would explain the great disparity observable in our bills of mortality. Many a defunct slave goes to swell the free list.'
We again aver that not the least reliance can be placed upon southern bills of mortality, so far as they relate to the free colored and slave population; and he who can swallow the statement from the Lutheran Observer must, in the language of a friend, either have 'the s[ ]ell upon his head,' or be as ignorant as he is credulous.
Among the free colored inhabitants of Baltimore, as among the whites, there
are some who are idle, intemperate and dissolute; but, as a class, they are
industrious and serviceable— they have schools for the instruction of
their children— several churches regularly organized— societies
for mutual assistance and improvement, &c. &c. Several of them are men
of considerable property, superior talents, and great respectability. We shall
never shrink to protect them from unmerited obloquy, whether it be cast by a
D.D. or an A.S.S.; whether it be the effusion of ignorance, or malice, or superficial
observation.
June 9, 1832
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 2 No. 22
From the New-England Magazine.
THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY
(Continued from No. 21.)
But the Society has had no occasion to solicit emigrants at any period. From the very first year of its operation, the number of applicants has greatly exceeded the number of those who could receive aid. When << Paul Cuffee>> returned from his exploring voyage to the African coast, in the very worst days of the institution, as many as two thousand of the free blacks in the neighborhood of this city were desirous of being carried out to Sierra Leone. Does this look like a love for America beyond all other lands on the face of the earth? So, when Mr. Waring returned, in August, 1825, from Montserado, to Petersburg, in Virginia, more than one hundred offered their names immediately to embark in the next vessel which should sail for the colony. This was just after the happening of the worst disasters which have befallen the Liberia emigrants from first to last. Again, in 1826, the Society of Friends in North Carolina, who have always done and are still doing so much in the cause, reported that three hundred free blacks had been 'conveyed to free governments since the last year,' who had been left to their own choice of location. Forty had chosen to go to Liberia, one hundred and nineteen to Hayti, eleven to Philadelphia, and the rest to Ohio and Indiana. It further appeared that five hundred more were then ready and willing to emigrate; 'upwards of three hundred to Liberia, and the other two hundred to other places. All that is wanting is funds and opportunity.' The State Colonization Society of Virginia, of which, by the way Judge Marshall is President, and Mr. Madison, and Mr. Munroe, until his death, Vice Presidents, say, in 1828, 'the Society will find no difficulty in procuring emigrants of approved character, and to any number. Already about five hundred free blacks and two hundred emancipated slaves are soliciting to be removed.' The season after this, we find the Lynchburg Auxiliary Society reporting, that such had been the change in the public sentiment within a year, and such the increase of applications, 'that the resources of the Parent Society were found wholly inadequate to the object.' In January, 1829, six hundred persons were seeking a passage to the colony.* In January, 1830, applications were pending for about one thousand free persons of color, and six hundred slaves, besides about two thousand of the latter class in North Carolina, who were emancipated, or would be as soon as there was reason to expect their immediate removal; and to come down as near to the present moment as our information enables us, we understand that, although many more emigrants have gone out during the last than during any preceding season, more applicants than ever remain soliciting passages. Three hundred and thirty-nine went out in the James Perkins from Norfolk, only three months since. As many more were ready to go from the State of Virginia alone. In November last, there were over one thousand applications for passages; and in October, one of the Society's western agents wrote from Louisville, that, for one hundred who were then eagerly soliciting the means of removal, there would in all probability be three times that number ready to go 'within the year.' On the whole, we believe our readers will concur with us in opinion, that there seems to be less reason for admitting the writer's unqualified statement as we have quoted it, than for believing the Colonization Society itself. 'The free people of color,' say the managers in a circular issued a few months since, 'have awakened from their slumber to a keen sense of their situation, and are ready, in large numbers, to emigrate to the colony of Liberia.' The truth is, that this class have always been eager to embrace even an indifferent opportunity to leave this beloved country for almost any other. Over six thousand of them emigrated to Hayti during one season.
But enough on this point. The writer has advanced other positions which we believe equally untenable with the last noticed, and the strength or weakness of which is of much more importance to his main argument against the Society. He cites it as another doctrine among the advocates of African colonization, that the color of the blacks is, and will be an insuperable bar to their moral or political elevation while they remain in this country. In confirmation, he quotes the Repository as saying that 'this class, degraded in character, and miserable in condition, was forever excluded by public sentiment, by law, and by a physical distinction, from the most powerful motives for exertion.' &c. This passage, it will be seen, does by no means justify the principle which the writer has attached to it; but, setting aside his construction, let the passage and the principle be tried by their own merits. It is unnecessary, of course, to prove that 'color is the sole source of the universal prejudice against the descendants of Africa.' This appears to be an imagination of his own. He admits, however, that such a prejudice exists; that it is universal; that it has excluded them from the exercise of most of their civil rights; that they have been denied the common privileges of education, and forbidden to associate with those by whose society their morals and intellect might have been improved.** Now this is very nearly the doctrine of the Society, even as expressed in the passage above cited; and this fact it is which furnished one of the strongest motives for the establishment of the institution.
The writer adds, that 'instead of wondering that they have done so little,' under all these disadvantages, 'we ought not to be surprised that they have done any thing.' And who does wonder, or who ever did, that they have done so little? Not the Colonization Society, at all events. They have said and done all that was possible and proper for them to say and do, to show, as the very passage in question goes to show, that the imbecility and insignificance of the free blacks, instead of being a matter of surprise, are the inevitable consequence of the circumstances under which they are placed. It is not a fault of theirs, but a misfortune. It makes them not the objects of contempt and hatred,— God forbid that it ever should!— but the subjects of an unfeigned and earnest sympathy.
The writer thinks, however, that a change has taken place for the better within the last twenty years. This is certainly no pleasant subject of discussion; but we cannot refrain from saying that we believe the free blacks to be, as a class, less respectable than they were, twenty or fifty years ago. There may be some individuals more completely educated now than ever before; and we are happy to acknowledge that there are, as there ever have been; many intelligent and virtuous men among them who are not educated at all; but the great mass, we solemnly believe, has made no advance whatever. That a few schools should be established, and that some other similar movements should be made among them, was to be expected from the great increase which has taken place in their numbers, and was necessary to counteract the effects of that increase. There appears to us no good reason for expecting them to improve for the future, any more than they have for the past. The same causes which have debased them for two centuries, are still in existence, and are long likely to be so. These are something more than their color merely, and something more than the prejudice which arises from that circumstance,-or from any other circumstance. This feeling is not the cause of their inferiority more than it is the consequence of it. The writer himself contends, in another connexion, that when vice and ignorance shall disappear from among them, the prejudice will disappear also. The Colonization Society are of the same opinion. They differ from the writer only in believing that contingency a matter of more doubt and more difficulty than he does. They lay greater stress upon the inevitable effect of the relation which the blacks in this country necessarily sustain towards the whites; and great numbers of the blacks themselves agree with them. 'As long as we remain among you,' say the Baltimore free blacks in their memorial of 1826, 'we must be content to be a distinct caste exposed to the indignities and dangers, physical and moral, to which our situation makes us liable.' The writer, therefore, does injustice to the Society in ascribing to them the sentiment, that a black skin is a natural and just cause of offence.' His own quotation shows their sentiment to be otherwise, and to be precisely the same with that of all the intelligent free blacks who have embarked for Africa under their auspices, and of the far greater number who are ready and eager to go at the first opportunity. Other individuals of the class may think and feel differently. Some of them are better situated than others, and have more inducements to remain here. Let every man determine this matter for himself.
The same facts, which go to show the true interest of the colored population, indicate also the subordinate though not inconsiderable interest which the whites have in their removal. The Colonization charity is literally one that blesses him that gives as well as him that takes. And here again we wholly dissent from the writer's positions. He does not believe that their presence is disadvantageous to us. They do not resist the laws, he thinks, or interfere with us in any respect. They do us some good and no harm. If they do not improve, we shall be none the worse,— and no motive can be imagined for wishing their removal, except the fear of their communicating discontent to the slaves.
Now, one good and sufficient motive, as we believe, has been stated already: and that is 'vice and ignorance' as making them objects of charity. A better one is in this vice and ignorance itself, which the writer has alleged to be the foundation of the prejudice which exists against them. Let us appeal to a few facts in this case, to confirm him in this better opinion of the two. The bills of mortality for New-York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and all the other cities, so far as our information extends, where they reside in considerable numbers, always show an over-proportion of deaths among them, as compared with the whites— and even as compared with the slaves of the southern states. So in regard to their pauperism and their crime, both which, indeed, are plentiful causes of the fact last stated. In 1829, the Lynchburg Colonization Society gave a statistical exposition of the situation of the free blacks in that place, from which it appears, that, whilst they were but one in seven of the population, there was an equal number of each class supported by the public funds; 'so that a free negro is seven fold as likely to become chargeable to the community as a white.' This, it will be observed, was an estimate including several years' expenses. It is independent of the fact, that the same class are practically exempt from all the civil and practical duties, paying taxes, county and parish levies, service of patrols, militia fines, working on roads, &c.— in a word, that they are supported generally by the labor of others. The memorials of the Richmond and Manchester Societies, a few years before this, stated to the Assembly of Virginia, that, of thirty-seven thousand free blacks, then computed to reside in that state, only two hundred were proprietors of land.'
(To be continued.)
* See Twelfth Annual Report of the American Colonization Society.
** New-England Magazine for January, p. 15.
June 21, 1834
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 4 No. 25
(For the Liberator.)
CONNECTICUT COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
MR. EDITOR— In my last communication, I gave you a notice of the first evening's session of the annual meeting of the Connecticut Colonization Society, accompanied with a promise of a further notice, should any thing remarkable occur at the adjourned meeting. As divers remarkable things occurred on that occasion, I proceed to fulfil my promise.
Rev. Dr. Fisk, of Middletown, opened the meeting with prayer, in which he commended all the benevolent institutions of the age to God, and included in their number the Colonization Society. He spoke also of slavery, as an evil entailed upon us.
Rev. Dr. Hewitt then rose to support the resolution which was the subject of discussion at the previous meeting, viz: 'That the American Colonization Society is worthy of the continued co-operation to the people of Connecticut.' He commenced by saying that the Colonization Society subsists on the necessity of the case which originated it. Its origin was as follows. In the years 1811 and 12, Samuel J. Mills went through the southern and south-western States, as far as New Orleans to ascertain the spiritual wants of that country, particularly as to their need of Bibles, Tracts, &c., and to discover openings for Christian effort. In the course of his tour, he became acquainted with many christian planters, gained their confidence, and obtained much new information in relation to slavery. He returned to Andover, and told his room-mate, (Dr. Hewitt,) that he had now different sentiments respecting christian slaveholders than he had formerly, for he found that they looked upon slavery as he did. They understood its evils, and wished to get rid of it; but what should they do? 'If,' said they, ' we set them at liberty here, they will pass into the hands of the sheriff, and be sold; and the change will be for the worse. We can't send them in any numbers into the northern States, because the laws exclude all who are likely to become chargeable to the public.' Dr. Hewitt here introduced the law of Ohio, to show that hits was the case. 'In view of these facts,' said Mr. Mills, 'what shall be done?' Said I to him— 'Let us form a Society of Inquiry in relation to this subject.' This suggestion was adopted, and Messrs. E. Burgess, Lord, (now of Dartmouth College,) Eleazer Lord, Poor, Meigs, &c. (now foreign missionaries,) were formed into such a society. Mr. Burgess soon after went to New-Bedford to see Capt. << Paul Cuffee>> , and Mr. Mills went to New Jersey to see Elias Boudinot, who advised him to go to Washington, to see E.B. Caldwell. In consequence of these conferences, the American Colonization Society was formed. (Here we have a new account of this child of many fathers. Who is to be believed? Mr. Archer positively asserted at a public meeting, that the Society originated in Virginia among the slaveholders. The scheme of Colonization if proved, beyond doubt, to have originated in the legislature of that State. And who does not know, that the community has been surfeited with the continued glorification of Dr. Finley, as the father of the Society? There is a naughty story somewhere. Who is to be believed?) Is it true, then, that the Society originated with slaveholders? (At least, Dr. H. according to your own shewing, directly through their influence.) The same facts are true to day, as were true then. What shall the master do for those who were left in bondage by his forefathers? They are not retained by his will, but by the supremacy of the laws. (Quere— Who make the laws but these very men, and who else can unmake them? Dr. H. knows that they have the power, and undoubtedly has regretted this extraordinary assertion, since the excitement of the occasion has subsided.) Who in this case is in bondage? Is not the owner? If he gives his slaves their freedom, they will be sold by the sheriff. And they cannot be sent into the free states. (How grievously this bondage rests upon the necks of the poor masters may readily be seen, in the perusal of any southern newspaper, by a reference of the advertising columns, under the head '$50 Reward.') The Colonization Society alone, can give a direct answer to the question, what shall be done? The native soil of the African has provided a home for him. (How many Africans does the Dr. think there are in the United States, and what proportion do they bear to the millions who are suffering in slavery? If the philanthropy of the Colon ization Society is no more extensive than to reach the case of these, we hope they will in future be more cautious in their puffs of the 'noble institution.') Every thing which could be done has been done to provide a house of refuge for the captive. This plan provides for a necessity beyond the wills of the benevolent slaveholders. I will now, said Dr. H., examine a few objections made by the Anti-Slavery men against the scheme, but shall say nothing against motives or character.
Objection 1. It is a violation of the natural rights of the Africans who are born in this country, to remove them to a land which is not theirs. This objection would be valid if they were forced away. But the constitution of the Society expressly provides, that they should go 'with their own consent.' He admitted that in the case of the Southampton emigrants, there had been a deviation from the letter of the constitutions; but Mr. Gurley protested against the doings of the board at the time, and his vote is on record. (If the doctor had not advertised his audience that he was about to refute this objection, it would not probably have been manifest from this beginning. Here it is admitted that the 'objection would be valid if they were forced away'— and it is also confessed that some have been 'forced away,' that the constitution has been violated in its most essential part, and that too under peculiar circumstances of aggravation. For it is usually the case in benevolent Societies, that the Secretary has great influence in the Board of Managers; and it is universally admitted that Mr. Gurley in common affairs is allowed to do pretty much as he chooses. Vide, his arrangement of the exordium to Clarkson's Letter. The thing complained of has then been done once, and the victims of this oppression were numerous too. What security have we that it will not be done again, provided the Society should be placed in similar circumstances? Who can prevent it? I have never seen any vote on the part of the Society censuring the Board for their conduct in this matter, and no steps have yet been taken to repair the breach in the broken instrument, which is the basis of their organization, and to which we are always referred when we wish to send out the true character of the Society. Let us never hear more of that boasted phrase, 'with their own consent.' It has proved to be but mere words, without power or meaning.)
Objection 2. It is cruel and barbarous to exile them from their native land. Not if it is for their benefit to go. (This objection was soon dismissed— the Dr. availing himself of that convenient resource, so well known among Colonization logicians, the petitio principii.)
Objection 3. There is a better way of promoting the good of the African, and the Colonization Society is a great obstacle in the way of the prosecution of this plan. The better way is said to be Immediate Emancipation. Let it be done! Who hinders it? The Colonization Society is, comparatively speaking, a handful of men without power, consisting of a great many gospel ministers, the greater part of the residue, professors of religion. He meant by the Colonization Society the laboring men, and every Colonizationist in the United States is an Abolitionist. (The Dr. has certainly the merit of bringing these two new facts to light; and since we have his 'ipse dixit,' perhaps it would be improper to ask for any facts or arguments calculated to substantiate these assertions; but I will venture the remark, that out of the precincts of a certain parish with which the Dr. is connected, a fact or two in relation to this subject would perhaps have carried a deeper conviction of their truth, than his assertion was calculated to convey.) In a conversation which he had with the President of the British Anti-Slavery Society, at his own table, the President stated the objection to the Colonization Society to be, 'that it operated as a drain merely on our colored population, and that the effect of this would be to increase the value of slaves.' (An opinion, it will be remembered, which was derived from the speech of Mr. Archer at the fifteenth annual meeting of the Society, in which he shows conclusively that this effect must follow, and urges it as a motive for supporting the Society.) Upon this opinion, the Dr. commented considerably, and did not attempt to show that it would not be so; but inferred that it was the desire of the Abolitionists, as a necessary consequence of their ground of objection, to let the slaves increase, until they should become perfectly worthless and a nuisance to the whites; and then, said he, what will become of them? (Respect for the Doctor's intelligence obliges us to say, that he must have known better.) It is not true that in Connecticut the prejudice exists against color. (I cannot trust myself to make any comment upon this assertion.) What respectable colored man is not treated as well as white men? (!!) He cited one instance of such treatment in the case of the Rev. L. Haynes, who preached in Fairfield on one occasion, and Dr. Dwight sat with him in the pulpit and prayed! (Mirabile dictu!) He was admitted to the tables of his brethren; moreover, he was the pastor of a white church, educated a great many white ministers, and had a white wife. (Horrible.) He spoke also of Phillis Wheatley, << Paul Cuffee>> , &c. but forgot to inform the audience that all these happy circumstances of kind treatment were experienced before the Colonization Society, with all its corrupting and baleful influence upon prejudice, was in being, or at least before its claws were grown. He thought, also, that a great injury had been done to his colored brethren by the Abolitionists. He was not ashamed to call them brethren, the Canterbury law to the contrary notwithstanding. The people of color feel much in view of the prejudice existing against them, but it is nothing when compared with their views of themselves. They despise themselves, and each other! (A few facts would not have been out of place in this connection. It would be indecorous in the extreme to suppose that the Dr. had none in possession; and as it was growing rather late in the evening, we may be allowed to account for their non-appearance, in consideration of the want of time which is so often felt by Colonization speakers, especially when facts should be forthcoming.) He thought, moreover, that the reflex influence of the Colony at Liberia would more rapidly, extensively, and certainly elevate the people of color, than any other means. He said, also, that the Colony at Liberia was the best African community in the world; and if you show that that is as bad as has been represented, you will make the friends of the colored people almost despair of ever elevating them. Here is a fine specimen of logic truly! a brilliant illustration of the true 'non sequitur,' which we desire respectfully to recommend to the special notice of all young students in that useful science. Here is a mere assumption for the premise— and an undeniable conclusion from that assumption.) In conclusion, the Dr. said, that the American Colonization Society was not the first Colonization Society in the world. There was an old one in Egypt, of which Moses was the President, and an Anti-Colonization Society, of which Pharaoh was President. The Dr. attempted to draw an analogy between these, and the two opposing Societies which now attract the public attention; but as soon as he had arrived at the point of the history of Moses' Society, in which he was about to introduce the Israelites into a land flowing with milk and honey, it is supposed that the apparition of his starving colony on the pestilential shores of Africa rose up before his mind in all its horrors; for the parable was left unfinished, and the Dr. sat down. (N.B. It is often profitable for public speakers to study their peroration, as well as their exordium.)
Thus ended the annual meeting of the Connecticut Colonization Society, in which much was brought to light, of great value to the friends of the oppressed, of which it is hoped they will make good use, and be duly sensible of their obligations.
T.D.L.
November 2, 1833
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 3 No. 44
ELIAS B. CALDWELL.
This individual, it is well known, was the first Secretary of the American Colonization Society, and one of as most active supporters. In the 149th page of my Thoughts on African Colonization,' I gave the following extract from a speech delivered by him at the formation of the Society:
The more you improve the condition of these people, the more you cultivate their minds, the more miserable you make them in their present state. You give them a higher relish for those privileges which they can never attain, and turn what you intend for a blessing into a curse. No, if they must remain in their present situation, keep them in the lowest state of ignorance and degradation. The nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes, the better chance do you give them of possessing their apathy.'
The above quotation was added to a strong array of testimony, showing that
the American Colonization Society prevented the instruction of our colored population
by denying the possibility of elevating them in this country, by asserting that
they were unavoidably and necessarily degraded here,' and by arguing that an
increase of knowledge would only increase their
wretchedness— thus measurably paralyzing all efforts that might otherwise
be made for their improvement in the United States. Although this extract has
been circulated throughout the country for a period of sixteen years, as deserving
of the unqualified abhorrence of all humane men, in a work eminently entitled
to [ ]* although it has been referred to, without contradiction, in almost every
public investigation of the tendency of the Colonization Society; and although
ingenuity and misrepresentation have been exhausted to impeach the integrity
of my own work; yet neither the African Repository, nor the Christian Spectator,
not a single reviewer, has even intimated that any unfairness has been shown
to Mr. Caldwell. This remarkable silence has been owing either to a blind elusion,
or to a conviction on the part of the reviewers that the extract was fairly
made. It is scarcely conceivable that it escaped their notice; and if it had
been a mutation and perversion of the speech from which it was taken, an exposure
to the just indignation of the public would have been the immediate consequence.
At last, however, a partisan of the American Colonization Society has had the sagacity to discover, and the boldness to declare, that the extract from Mr. Caldwell's speech is 'a flagrant perversion of sentiment'. This individual seems determined to win for himself an immortality of infamy, and to bring upon his soul the blood of millions of perishing slaves. 'On his own baseness comment is useless.' Corruption covers him like a leprosy. There is no weapon too vile for him to wield, no falsehood too monstrous for him to utter, no tricks too despicable for him to use, against the cause of abolition and its adherents. I allude to the editor of the New-York Commercial Advertiser.
In reviewing the able, temperate and argumentative address of the New-York City Anti-Slavery Society to the Public, (extracts from which are placed in another column,) he states that he is 'quite sure that a discerning public will consign it to oblivion by abstaining from a purchase of the pestilent stuff,' and adds:
'The address asserts, as an evidence of the iniquitous intentions of the Society, and in authentication of the charge that 'It justifies keeping slaves ignorant,' that E.B. Caldwell its first Secretary said— 'The nearer you bring them (the slaves) to the condition of brutes, the better chance do you give them of possessing their apathy.' If ever there was a flagrant perversion of sentiment, deserving of the most unqualified reprobation of every honest and Christian man, this is one. Mr. Caldwell, now in his grave, was a man of as warm hearted benevolence as now treads the earth. Judge then of the candor, the truth, the honesty of a professedly Anti-Slavery Society, which in an official expose, can, by garbled extracts, make the words of a sainted philanthropist speak the direct reverse of its meaning. Take the context with the text, and it will shew a sample of the fidelity with which the organs of the Anti-Slavery party make their attacks upon the Colonization Society.— Mr. Caldwell, in the speech referred to, was inveighing against the continuation of slavery, and describing it as it existed in this country, in connexion with the degradation of all those among us who were assimilated to the slaves in color. He did indeed say, in reference to the present, actual, miserable condition of the blacks in our land that— 'the nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes, the better chance do you give them of possessing their apathy'— but, in the same passage, and immediately after the word 'apathy,' Mr. Caldwell added, as part and parcel of his remark, and a sequence of it— 'Surely Americans ought to be THE LAST PEOPLE ON EARTH, to advocate such slavish doctrines,— to cry, Peace and contentment to those who are deprived of the blessings of civil liberty. Those who have so largely partaken of its blessings— who know so well how to estimate its value, ought to be foremost to extend it to others.' And now we ask, in the name of all that is honorable and decent among men, what reliance can be placed upon the quotations of an official document which thus omits the sentence we have quoted in italics, in order to palm upon the world a false impression, for the purpose of furthering its own sinister purposes? On such baseness, comment is useless— and we have to say, in a spirit of charity, that we do verily believe that the persons under whose sanction the address has gone forth, did not know that it was thus garbled and virtually falsified. The atrocity was originally perpetrated by Garrison. They may have copied it, without being aware of the injury they were doing to the memory of a departed Christian worthy. The same incendiary author has led them into other errors equally palpable, and which greater leisure may give us opportunity to specify. But although charity may lead us to exonerate them from a foul motive, it cannot release them from the liability they are under to the public for lending to the calumny their official authority. Nothing can wipe away the stain, but an open, fair and liberal retraction— and that without delay. If they withhold it, they are equally guilty with Garrison.'
Before I proceed to comment upon the above paragraph, I would premise, first, that I have never seen the entire speech of Mr. Caldwell— it is not to be found in any of the publications of the American Colonization Society; and, secondly, that, at the time of compiling my work on African Colonization, I had seen only the extract which is inserted in it, divested of the passage which the editor of the Commercial Advertiser has put in italics. This exonerates me from the charge of garbling, even allowing that the part which was omitted 'speaks the direct reverse' of the other. It was not until I took up a copy (English edition) of Torrey's Portraiture of Domestic Slavery in the United States, in London, that I was aware of the language which followed the quotation made from Mr. C's speech. I saw that quotation 'going the round,' naked, unchallenged, uncontradicted, and I therefore gave it a place in my 'THOUGHTS.'
The question then is,— Do the sentences which the Commercial has 'quoted
in italics,' reverse the meaning or modify the spirit of the preceding portion
of the speech? That paper, in its blind and precipitate hardihood,
says,— 'If ever there was a flagrant perversion of sentiment, deserving
of the most unqualified reprobation of every honest and christian man, this
is one.' Now I maintain the negative of the question. No injustice has been
done to Mr. Caldwell. The obtuseness, the unfairness, the slander, and the corruption,
all belong to Col. Stone. If I have injured the memory of 'a sainted philanthropist,'
an ardent friend of African colonization— Dr. TORREY— has committed
the first assault. In his 'Portraiture,' &c. he has quoted copiously from
the speeches of Messrs. Clay, Randolph, Wright, and Caldwell, delivered at the
formation of the Colonization Society. His first extract from Mr. Caldwell's
speech is the following paragraph, which, the reader will perceive, contains
that part about which the Commercial raises such a note of indignation:
'The more you improve the condition of these people, the more you cultivate their minds, the more miserable you make them in their present state. You give them a higher relish for those privileges which they can never attain, and turn what we intend for a blessing into a curse. No, if they must remain in their present situation, keep them in the lowest state of degradation and ignorance. The nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes, the better chance do you give them of possessing their apathy. Surely, Americans ought to be the last people on earth, to advocate such slavish doctrines, to cry peace and contentment to those who are deprived of the privileges of civil liberty. They who have so largely partaken of its blessings— who know so well how to estimate its value, ought to be among the foremost to extend it to others.'
Now, how does Dr. Torrey, the friend and admirer of Mr. Caldwell, interpret the above language? This is his commentary upon it:
'These sentiments, it will be readily perceived, clash diametrically with those which I had previously advanced in page 21, on the subject of extending mental cultivation to the African race in this country. And notwithstanding I have no inclination to retract the sentiments which I have heretofore had occasion to express, concerning the practical benevolence and ardent zeal of Mr. Caldwell in the cause of religion and human happiness; yet, it is out of my power to unite with him in his opinion, of the utility of subjecting men of any color, or any situation whatever, to 'the lowest state of degradation and ignorance,' and, as near as possible, 'to the condition of brutes.' Right education and knowledge should teach the legitimate slave fortitude, and the advantages of submission, duty, and fidelity; and should elevate the free man of whatever color, above the unhallowed crime of despising himself for its having been ordained this or that tint, or for its being obnoxious to those who have been created with a different color, or with none at all. Ask Capt. << Paul Cuffee>> , Prince Saunders, and many other well educated and worthy persons of African extraction, whether they hate themselves, or whether any body else possessing common sense, hates them, because they cannot repeal the laws of nature; or because there is a political and physical propriety in their being considered as foreigners and aliens in our country.'
So! the Dr. holds no fellowship with such sentiments! He understands them, as every man of common honesty and common sense must (of course, the editor of the Commercial cannot) understand them, as declaring the utility of subjecting the blacks 'to the lowest state of degradation and ignorance, and, as near as possible, to the condition of brutes.' He says that they 'clash diametrically with those which he had advanced in page 21, on the subject of extending mental cultivation to the African race in this country.' Let us turn to that page, and see what he has written:
'Intellectual and moral improvement is the safe and permanent basis, on which the arch of eventual freedom to the enslaved Africans may be gradually erected. Let the glorious work be commenced by instructing such of the holders and overseers of slaves and their sons and daughters, as have hitherto been deprived of the blessings of education. Let every slave, less than thirty years of age of either sex, be taught the art of reading, sufficiently for receiving moral and religious instruction, from books in the English language. For this purpose, the Lancasterian mode of instruction would be admirably well adapted. A well selected economical library of such books as are calculated to inculcate the love of knowledge and virtue, ought to form an essential appurtenance to every plantation.'
This is all very plain— Dr. Torrey, like a good man, was for giving the blacks as much instruction as possible, and Mr. Caldwell was for keeping them 'in the lowest state of degradation,' in this country. Hence the former repudiated the atrocious sentiments of the latter.
Once more. What is the charge made against the American Colonization Society
and against Elias B. Caldwell, in the address of the New-York City
Anti-Slavery Society, and in my 'Thoughts on African Colonization'? It is, of
preventing the instruction of the blacks, bond and free, and justifying that
policy which keeps them ignorant, in this country. Let us examine yet more closely
the language of Mr. C. The first sentence is clear and explicit— 'The
more you improve the condition of these people, the more you cultivate their
minds, the more MISERABLE you make them in their present situation.' This is
not spoken ironically— it is the earnestness of conviction; and he gives,
in the next sentence, the solution of this strange effect of education. Thus—
'You give them a higher relish for those privileges which they can never attain,
and turn what we intend for a BLESSING into a CURSE.' Hence the expediency of
keeping the blacks ignorant is based upon that execrable doctrine, so pertinaciously
advocated by the American Colonization Society— namely: 'Causes exist,
and are operating, to prevent their improvement and elevation to any considerable
extent as a class, in this country, which are fixed, not only beyond the control
of the friends of humanity, but of any human power:— THIS IS AN ORDINATION
OF PROVIDENCE, AND NO MORE TO BE CHANGED THAN THE LAWS OF NATURE'!!!
Infatuated with this view of the subject, Mr. Caldwell reiterates the brutish sentiment— 'No— if they must remain in their present situation, KEEP THEM IN THE LOWEST STATE OF DEGRADATION AND IGNORANCE. The nearer you bring them to the condition of BRUTES, the better chance do you give them of possessing their apathy.' Mark! he would not repeal a single law in the slave States, which makes it a crime to instruct the slaves, while they remain slaves, because, forsooth! they would lose their 'apathy' and become 'miserable'! This dreadful alternative leads him to exclaim— 'Surely, Americans ought to be the last people on earth to advocate such slavish doctrines, to cry peace and contentment to those who are deprived of the privileges of civil liberty. They who have so largely partaken of its blessings— who know so well how to estimate its value— ought to be among the foremost to extend it to othess.' In other words— it is perfectly right and eminently humane to keep the slaves ignorant 'in their present situation,' and as long as they remain in that situation; but shame on him who would advocate their perpetual degradation and servitude! Let us gradually rid ourselves of this direful necessity, by removing them out of the country!— This is the sum total of Mr. Caldwell's humanity, and it will ever be a foul blot upon his character; for sentiments more rankly offensive, or more palpably inhuman, it would be difficult to find.
Recollect that neither the Colonization Society nor Mr. Caldwell has ever been accused of being inimical to the rights of the colonists in Africa, but only of being opposed to the freedom and elevation of the blacks in this country. This accusation is just. They who are, in the excess of their republican and christian feeling, treading upon the necks of our colored population, and in the plenitude of their benevolence, are seeking their expulsion from this country, constantly affirm that they have no disposition to persecute their victims in Africa. Generous souls! magnanimous republicans! they are perfectly willing that the heartbroken exiles may be as healthy as they can under the sickening influences of an African climate; that they may be as proud, as rich, as happy, as enlightened, ay, as religious as they please, any where except on the continent of America, and particularly in these United States!!
I have done with this matter for the present. When the viper of the New-York Commercial Advertiser shall have eaten and digested this file, I will give him another upon which to try his teeth.
* Torrey's Portraiture of Domestic Slavery in the United
States— Philadelphia, 1817.