THE 



BLACK MAN; 



OE, 



HAITIAN INDEPENDENCE. 



DEDUCED FROM 



HISTORICAL NOTES, 



AND 



to tk 4Mwtnmit airtr people jof $iagti. 



M. &. 

Nearly Thirty Years a Resident Missionary in the 
Haytian Republic. 



NEW YOBK: 
PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR. 

TRADE SUPPLIED BY 

THE AMERICAN NE WS COMPANY, 

117, 119, and 121 Nassau Street. 

18C9. 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1SG9, 

By M. B. BIKD, 

In the Clerk s Office of the District Court, for the Southern District of 
New York. 



JOHN J. REED, Printer, 43Centie St., N. Y. 



321 



ffitial gUprt nf % temtssiim, 

FORMED BY THE HAYTIAN SECRETARY OF STATE, FOR THE EX 
AMINATION OF THE GENERAL MERITS AND BEARING OF THE 

PRESENT VOLUME. 

PORT AU PRINCE, HAYTI, ) 
November Uth, 1867. ) 

SIR, The Commission having gone through the examina 
tion of the work on Ilayti, by the Rev. M. B. BIRD, now 
forward you their report on that Manuscript. 

1st. Although it does not profess to be a full and entire 
history of Hay ti, it begins with the discovery of the Island ; 
gives a sketch of the French Colonial system, shows the dif 
ficulties and struggles connected with the establishment of 
the Independence of our Republic, and continues a line of 
Haytian history down to the fall of General Geffrard. 

2nd. The entire history, as it is given, is in the spirit of a 
friend, and at the same time, with perfect frankness : the de 
tails of domestic manners are evidently given in the sense of 
one greatly attached to our country. 

3rd. The Republican institutions of Ilayti, and their po 
litical influence upon the masses, are given as facts, without 
entering into the supposed motives by which they may have 
been dictated. 

4th. The Commission recommends and encourages the 
publication of this work, as useful to Hayti itself, as well as 
to its foreign friends. We wish its author to receive every 
support, and we do not hesitate to say that its publication 
would be to the interest of our branch of the human family, 

M904183 



IV OFFICIAL EEPOET, ETC. 

first iu the English language, which is so widely spoken 
both in the West Indies and on the American continent. 

5th. Hayti has great need of Immigration, hence it is de 
sirable that the seven or eight millions of African descend 
ants in the new world, which speak the English language, 
should understand the merits and resources of Hayti. 
6th. The Commission, under the influence of these views 
and convictions, sincerely desire the publication of this work, 
and they earnestly hope that Mr. BIRD may be assisted in 
every way in his good intentions. 

The Commission, Mr. Secretary of State, beg to assure 
you of their highest consideration. 

(Signed) 

W. G. SMITH, M. D., Chairman of Commission ; 

GENERAL ST. LUCIEN ; 

GENERAL J. LAMOTHE ; 

JUDGE Boco ; 

J. B. DEHOUX, M. D.; 

A. AUDAIN, M. D.; 

S. PRESTON, ESQ.; 

J. J. RIVIERE, Ex-Mayor of Port au Prince , 

GENERAL A. TATE, Secretary of State ; 

P. ETHEART, Under Secretary of State ; 

J. B. HEPBURN, Esq.; 

D. BOWLER, ESQ.; 

C. PRESSOIR, Esq.; 

0. RIVIERE, Esq.; 

JUDGE LACRUZ, absent by sickness ; 

G. LOPEZ, Editor, etc.; 

G. LAFONTANT, Esq., called away. 



PREFACE. 



VARIOUS views having been entertained, even by the 
friends of Hayti, as to the real merits of its Independence, 
it is only due to the Haytian Republic, that a fair statement 
should appear before the world on this subject ; hence, one 
of the leading purposes of the present work is, to show what 
that Independence has been ; nor has it been thought that 
this could be fairly done, without bringing out both the 
merits and demerits of this interesting question ; the national 
faults, therefore, are brought out in the sense of true and 
sincere friendship, and pointed to as rocks to be shuuned in 
the nation s future course. 

Hayti herself makes no pretensions to superiority ; her 
enlightened sons are conscious of national defects ; it must, 
however, be acknowledged that injustice has been done her, 
especially when the great and extraordinary difficulties of her 
career are fairly considered from the beginning ; difficulties 
which must have rendered Independence, in her case, impos 
sible, had there not been real stamina somewhere. 

From the title-page of this work it will be seen that it de 
signs to show what Haytian Independence has been, rather than 
what it might or ought to have been ; its real merits, after a 
candid examination of what is here advanced, must be left to 
the fair and honest judgment of mankind. 

It is of the highest importance to remember in Haytian 
history, that although the Haytians fought for the main 
tenance of their freedom, they did not themselves choose or 
seek Independence ; this was rather forced upon them by cir 
cumstances which they never sought, and which were utterly 



VI PREFACE. 

beyond their control. The wish of Hayti, evidently was, to 
remain faithful to France, but the history of the case will 
show that this ultimately became impossible ; in fact, the 
case is clear, that Toussaint L Ouverture would have remained 
faithful to France, but lie was convinced at last that her 
purpose was to re-enslave his people. 

The purpose of the present production is neither eulogism 
nor censure, but rather to make a fair statement of facts and 
circumstances as they have occurred, and thus to bring out a 
picture which has been the production of extraordinary Prov 
idences, ruling in the storms of human passions ; a picture 
made striking by the great Master of events ; in fact, the 
whole case of Hayti seems to indicate something altogether 
unusual, a special purpose on the part of Providence in render 
ing her independence inevitable, seems to be singularly man 
ifest ; it will, therefore, be easily understood that the hope 
of rendering service to Hayti herself, constitutes one of the 
leading motives of the work now before us, and may ulti 
mately lead to its translation into the French language. 
But the fact of seven or eight millions of the descendants of 
Africa in the new world, speaking the English language, 
seems to render it desirable that it should first appear as an 
English work, the more so, as one of the leading objects is, 
the general interests of the " Black Man." 

Reasonings and opinions of different shades and bearings 
have indeed been expressed and pursued in the course of this 
work, as the result of long experience and continuous obser 
vation, and with an earnest desire for the welfare of the 
descendants of Africa in the new world ; but they must, 
together with the general subject in which they have all 
originated, be left before the tribunal of a Christian public. 

The present volume might be considered as a plea for in 
dependence, whenever the indications of Providence seem 
plainly to point to it, for whatever reasons, hence the present 
work is preceded by an introduction, having for its object the 



PREFACE. Vll 

general development of this important question, and espe 
cially as it is here meant. 

It will, therefore, be seen that independence, as it regards 
both Hayti and Liberia, is here considered as a vital point, 
not indeed in any exclusive or isolated sense, yet still, in the 
strictest sense of national identity, which might, and should 
be, compatible with the same liberality towards foreigners, 
as is practiced by France, America, and England, and as un 
questionably will ultimately be imposed, by the power of 
universal light and interest, upon the human race at large, 
as the natural and inevitable result of that close contact, into 
which all the nations of the earth must ultimately be brought, 
by means of electricity and steam. 

It has been thought that the present moment is peculiarly 
adapted to the appearance of these " Historical Notes," etc., 
for it is undeniable, that the course of events with regard to 
the descendants of Africa, has brought out, by extraordinary 
means and circumstances, the clearest and strongest proofs 
of a Divine rule in human affairs, that were ever made visible 
to mortals ; hence we have recently seen, both in America 
and Europe, some of the greatest struggles which have ever 
been known among men, followed by such an extraordinary 
remodeling of nations, as was never before recorded on the 
page of human history, the well pronounced supreme will 
having been, that some should entirely disappear, while 
others should stand fast, with even great acquisitions ! 
Many are the indications which might be regarded as ex 
pressions of the Divine will, that Hayti should remain an 
Independent Nation ; this, however, will not hinder the 
coming on of a power of circumstances, which will compel her 
to develop and practice those true principles of Liberty, 
which alone can secure her destiny, independence and per 
manent prosperity. 

It will be seen, both in the introduction and also in the 
body of this work, that the formation of national independ- 



Till PKEFACE. 

encies, by the Black and Colored people of the American 
continent, is freely entered into, as a question which can now 
involve no injury to any interest or community. Political 
Justice having finally placed all shades of complexion on the 
same level, this question is made both an open and a fair one, 
and like every other, is to be either received or rejected, as 
opinions may prevail. 

The subject of Independence, in the sense here advocated, 
is not of recent adoption by the author, as may be seen by 
the " Liberia Herald/ 7 under the title of " A Yoice to Li 
beria," for 1858 ; nor are the convictions which constitute 
the subject of that piece, in the slightest degree lessened by 
passing events. 

It will, however, be seen that isolated independence is 
not here advocated, but simply that which constitutes the 
glory of France, England, and America, compatible with the 
strictest identity, and at the same time with the most un 
bounded intercourse with the whole human family, without 
which, these last named nations never would have been what 
they now are. 

The discovery of Haytl and its aboriginal inhabitants are 
but glanced at in this work ; nor has it been possible to 
enter very extensively into the Colonial system under the 
French, although it should not be forgotten that the leading 
minds in the Haytian Revolution had been fostered under 
Colonial rule ; and it is due to Hayti to state here, that one 
of her ablest and most worthy citizens,* has done justice to 
his Colonial Black and Colored predecessors, in the great 
work of Haytiau Independence, by transmitting to posterity 
both their names and deeds. 

The following extract, from the author just referred to, 
will become this preface : 

"Before the proclamation of Independence, or the final orga 
nization of the Country, there were men among us who did not 

* Beauvais Lespinasse. 



PREFACE. IX 

hesitate to sacrifice themselves for the future happiness of the 
African race, and it would be impossible not to admire the courage 
shown, by some of them, in the midst of slavery and prejudice, 
while the volunteered, and self-inflicted hardships and privations of 
others who sheltered themselves from despotism, in inaccessible 
mountains, is worthy of note. 

"What anguish, what tribulation prepared men for the hour 
of bloodshed in the cause of liberty and independence ! 

"Would Julieu Raymond, Ferrand de Baudieres, Oge, 
Chauvanncs, Boury, Pinchinat, Bauvais, Lambert, Rigaud, Villate, 
Boukrnan, Jean Francois Biassous, Polverel Santhonasse, Tous- 
saint L ouverture, Moise, Charles Belar, Sylla, Sans Souci, Lamour 
Derance, leave us at rest in our work of 1804 if we did not ac 
knowledge the services they rendered us ?" 

The author himself admits their excesses ; it must, how 
ever, be confessed that but few of the noted leaders of man 
kind have come out of the great battle for human liberties 
unstained. 

It will doubtless be evident that it has been the design of 
this work to bring out the religious and general moral bear 
ing of Hayti. This, to the sincere Christian, will be deeply 
painful and distressing ; it is, however, hoped that this ques 
tion is made sufficiently clear, not only to show the national 
character in this sense, but also to convince the Evangelical 
Churches of America and Europe, that if Hayti had had 
the attentions which were unquestionably due, not only to 
her peculiar and extraordinary circumstances, but to the spirit 
of religious liberty which she has so long manifested, her po 
sition, in a moral point of view, might at this moment have 
been wholly different to what it is, as may be easily and 
justly inferred from the statistics of Protestantism, here 
given, showing au extent of success which, in so Roman Ca 
tholic a country, is certainly worthy of special notice ; the 
more so, when the very limited means by which it has all 
been accomplished, are fairly considered. 

But we now leave this production, with all its defects, be- 



X PEEFACE. 

fore the world, as having originated in a desire to maintain 
right principle, and render it triumphant, by doing justice to 
Ilayti ; for, whatever may have been or still are its defects, 
they have resulted from that depravity of fallen man, which 
is so fully recognized by the Christian Church, and which 
she binds herself to correct, by her declarations to the world 
that she possesses all that is necessary for the healing of the 
nations ! 

A residence of nearly thirty years, among a newly 
formed nation such as Hayti, as in some sense a Teacher, will 
perhaps be a sufficient apology for a didactic tone, now and 
then seemingly assumed, sincerely meant as a friendly warning 
of those rocks ahead, on which so many nations have 
ah-eady wrecked. 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 

ON THE ADVANTAGES OF 

NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE, 

AS A GENERAL QUESTION. 



The realm of liberty alone, I call 
My home ! 



THE present production on Hayti is by no means intended 
as a full history of that country, although the events re 
corded are generally placed in chronological order, and it is 
presumed that the main out-lines of its history may be found 
embodied in the work. 

The main design of the present effort is to bring out one 
great and important fact, which the great Ruler of all things 
lias so manifestly established, by those various divisions of 
the human race, which at present make up the great family 
of man. 

The fact in question is, simply, that the spirit of emulation, 
which doubtless has designedly resulted from the divisions 
and independencies which at present exist among mankind, 
is most salutary and powerful, bringing out as it does and 
must, not only the capacities of our being, but also the vast 
resources of nature in general ; this same principle is also ac 
tively and perseveringly developed between families and com 
munities, and is evidently intended to keep the entire human 



Xll INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 

family in the most productive activity ; hence history has 
made it manifest that this great moving principle has ever 
been the most active and powerful among the most ad 
vanced nations in all ages of the world ; nor is it less power 
ful at present than it has ever been in any former age of 
human history ; in fact, never did this principle work with 
such driving power as in the present advanced state of 
everything. 

We find yet that the most distinctive peculiarities 
attach to all the great divisions of mankind. The 
Anglo-Saxon, Celtic, and Teutonic branches, as well as 
others, have their various and distinctive peculiarities, while 
at the same time this is to be understood, simply in the sense 
of fact, not at all in the sense of excluding barriers, or in 
the slightest degree interfering with mutual and cordial 
intercourse. 

That Africa, therefore, and its descendants should form a 
distinct branch of mankind, would seem to be only in the 
natural order of things ; nor does it follow that this should 
be understood in any exclusive sense, but simply in the sense 
explained by God himself, in what is so plainly to be seen in 
the various ranks and orders of human beings, scattered over 
the face of the earth, in the forms of families, tribes, and 
nations, all of which have ever instinctively recognized a uni 
versal brotherhood ! 

Hence Independence, as it is distributed by Divine Prov 
idence over the world, shows a just and salutary principle ; 
there is nothing in it exclusive, and its useful working 
among the nations is evident, yea, the hope we derive from 
it is great and good, serving as it does as one of the main 
springs in the general welfare of the world. 

We may, therefore, take it up as a great fact, that the 
civilized divisions of man never would, or could, have been 
what they are but for their independence, and that as a 
whole, the grand spectacle of human activity and develop- 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. Xlll 

ment, commercially, scientifically, and even religously, would 
never otherwise have been what they now are. The emu 
lating power which has ever existed among them all, has 
produced that admirable and ever working whole, which now 
offers to the general gaze of universal intelligence. 

With these views before us, it will be seen that the work 
in question, bearing the title of the " Black Man," etc., has 
for one of its objects, to show, that the divisions of the 
human race are only a part of the order of things, and that, 
therefore, Africa, and her widely spread children, constitute 
one main division in this great whole. 

That Ilayti should be at the head of an African subdi 
vision cannot be any matter of surprise, nor can the design 
of her independence fail of being recognized. 

Hence our present direct purpose is to bring out the fact, 
that the Haylian Republic possesses in itself every material, 
and resource of every kind, to place it on a level with any 
other nation as to general merit, and at the same time to 
show what the Haytian people are, mentally, morally, or 
otherwise. 

It will also be the aim of the following pages, to demon 
strate from the history of Hayti itself, that she never could 
have been what she now is, but for her independence, what 
ever may have been, or still are, the defects of her Govern 
ment, or the management of any of the departments of the 
national interests, which it need not be concealed are many. 

The great imperfections of Ilayti stand out before the 
world, and although the intelligent Haytians themselves are 
ever ready to recognize them, yet they justly demand that 
the exceptional circumstances of their origin as a nation, over 
which they had no control, should be fairly considered, not 
indeed in the sense of justifying error of any kind, but 
rather as explanatory, especially as the Haytians, as a peo 
ple, can only be considered as simply on their way to under 
stand the true principles of free Government, they never 



XIV INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 

having been transmitted to them by their wiser French 
predecessors. 

The present volume is also intended to remind all who are 
disposed to think fairly and dispassionately on the national 
character of Hayti, that nations, as well as individuals, in 
variably receive the stamp of the circumstances which gave 
them birth, and which, should they have been unhappy, can 
not be effaced but by long years of every kind of im 
provement. 

With this fact in view, it will not be difficult to understand 
the peculiarities and characteristics of the people in question, 
for Hayti must, after all, be judged by the depths of error 
and injustice from which she, as a nation, has risen into ex 
istence ; she did not, like some, spring from free institutions, 
notwithstanding they were her aim she indeed rushed toward 
them, but to arrive at the accomplishment of her wishes, she 
had to make her way through fiercely conflicting elements 
of every kind ; the instinctive longings for liberty were there, 
but how to use it, when once seized, was yet to be learnt. 

It is not, however, intended by anything here advanced that 
nations, as well as individuals, never create their circum 
stances, or that they are not responsible for their need of 
reformation, whenever progress and amelioration may have 
been at their command, nor is it pretended here, for a moment, 
to justify the present condition of the masses of the Republic 
of Hayti ; guilt is unquestionably at her door in this matter. 

The history of this Republic has yet to be written, and 
whenever it is fairly brought out it will show that the inten- 
sest fervor in the cause of Liberty without that wholesome 
moral power which is to be found in Christianity only, 
places a nation on a dangerous track. 

The bare events, making up this general history, are already 
well recorded and detailed by several Haytian authors of de 
served celebrity, particularly by T. Madiou (Fils), and B. 
Ardouin ; but to bring out all the lights and shades of that 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XV 

phase of humanity, which a full and entire history of Hayti 
in all its bearings must present, remains yet to be done, and 
doubtless will be accomplished by some able Ilaytiau pen at 
a future day, to the advantage not only of the great 
African family, but to man at large a work the more to be de 
sired from the fact, that the enemies of the African race are 
not yet entirely silenced. 

The dark shades of Slavery, which for many years have 
hung over mankind, withering and concealing so much of real 
worth in man, and especially as to the true character of the 
African, are now rapidly dispersing, and the clear light of 
simple truth is breaking forth, which shall ultimately expose 
all false reasoning and demonstrate that man is man, of every 
hue. Clouds, indeed, still roll over us, and long will, but the 
glorious sun of truth is, nevertheless, rising to its zenith ! 

The forming power of Independence upon nations and in 
dividuals, is too evident to need any reasoning ; those who 
have well noted the influence and power of national institu 
tions upon collective masses, as well as upon individual char 
acter, will be prepared to understand the difference, between 
the Black Man independent, and, in a national sense, in his 
own house, under a Government of his own formation, and 
the one under the influence of a foreign element, although 
probably with vast advantages. 

It is not intended that there are no advantages to be de 
rived from contact with a superior element, but it is main 
tained that there is an ennobling power in true and well-man 
aged Independence ; and that general contact, in this sense 
only, has its full effect, when the soul of Independence is 
present ; hence the manly bearing of the Ilaytian, which is 
unquestionably the result of his own national institutions, in 
dependence, and education. 

It will, of course, be understood that we are not here 
speaking of the ignorant masses of the people, although even 
with them an air of conscious independence is manifest. The 



XVI INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 

Haytians, however, have more than ever to learn, that their 
independence must fail in true dignity, without sound moral 
principle universally diffused. 

We have, indeed, pointed out the Black "Man as especially 
benefiting by independence ; this has been done in the sense 
of a general principle, and is, therefore, as applicable to him 
as to the rest of the human family ; perhaps, indeed, there 
are peculiarities in his case, as relating to the present age, 
which might make this great principle specially applicable to 
him, and render the designs of Providence, as to his inde 
pendence, yet more clear and striking. 

Already the Haytian commerce, as resulting from inde 
pendence, is comparatively great ; nor should it be lost sight 
of, that the public revenues are created by the same orga 
nized and legalized system of Patents, Customs, Licenses, 
etc., as in all other civilized countries. 

It is an interesting and important fact, that Hayti is at 
this moment, and for a long time past, has been carrying on an 
extensive and increasing commerce with the United States 
of America, which, for some time past, has been said to be 
worth three millions of dollars per annum ; this is to be un 
derstood as relating to the French part of the Island only. 
Also, with England, France, and Germany much is doing 
commercially ; and it is not to be supposed that the exten 
sive correspondence, and constantly calculating intercourse 
with foreign nations, can be without its general and power 
ful results upon the interests and civilization of this nation, 
especially when it is remembered that Scriptural education 
has, during the last quarter of a century, widely sown the 
seeds of truth, while at the same time thousands of Haytians, 
although not converted to God by a new birth unto righte 
ousness, have nevertheless opened their eyes to see that true 
religion is, God in man, and that alone ; and as far as con 
victions are concerned, have shaken off the iron yoke of error 
in many things, as incompatible with real moral progress, 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XV11 

that all these powerful elements should have been so long at 
work without effect, is not to be supposed. 

Let the thinking part of mankind open the details of these 
facts, and it will most certainly be seen that national Inde 
pendence is the road to dignity ; this, it is true, has never 
been doubted of the White Man, nor has there ever been any 
real reason to doubt it in the case of the Black Republic of 
Ilayti, notwithstanding much error, and the fact that she 
has yet much to learn. 

Time was, when the idea of the formation of an African 
Independency, in any sense, from the vast Black population 
of the United States, was looked upon with suspicion and 
a frown ; fear was felt that the great cause of Justice before 
the law would suffer, by weakening the ranks of those who 
would thus be left to struggles for rights supremely dear, but 
the arm of the Almighty has now been revealed, right has 
triumphed over wrong, and an Independency under present 
circumstances would, therefore, be simply another competitive 
power in the earth, bringing out and completing the bound 
less resources of human beings ; showing also, that the sons 
of Africa are not sent back to savage life by Independence, 
as both Ilayti and Liberia attest, where wealth and learning 
have at least commenced their elevating power, and will, 
doubtless, by the aid of general knowledge, true religion, and 
commercial intercourse, raise them ultimately to rank with 
the most civilized and prosperous nations of the age. 

Truly, the great principles of Liberty and Independence, 
rightly understood, are the glory of our times ; so much so, 
that, Liberty a failure ! has now become too absurd, both as 
an expression, and even as a thought, for use ; rather it is 
Despotism and Slavery that have proved to be utter, and, let 
us hope, eternal failures ! Men are now beginning to see 
what they long refused to see, or understand, viz., that uni 
versal freedom is universal wealth ! 

But the burden of our song is Independence ! Xor does 



xviii INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 

the admitted fact that Hayti ought to, and might have done 
better, in any way diminish either its glory or its dignity. 
If Hayti has at all risen from her starting point, as she un 
questionably has, then has she demonstrated to the world, that 
she possesses both the elements and capacity for Progress. 

The fact of Law, Mathematics, Literature, Commerce, 
etc., forming fields, where intelligence has unquestionably 
shown powers which do honor to this branch of the human 
family, demand just notice ; while at the same time, Inde 
pendence in this case, having placed the nation in official in 
tercourse with the leading Governments of the day, has 
brought out state-documents not inferior to those of other 
nations, as will appear from the following " Historical 
Notes," while the Haytian Bar, with the Medical Faculty, 
show men of all shades worthy of their professions. 

In fact, the wealth already accumulated, both in intelli 
gence and gold, afford ample proof that Independence in 
Hayti is not, and cannot be a failure ; swarming evils, indeed, 
abound, which even seem to threaten every good ; the fact of 
the utter corruption of human nature is as evident with Inde 
pendence as it is under the greatest despotism, hence the 
great stress laid on the necessity of moral culture, as apply 
ing to every individual in a nation, rich and poor, high and low. 

Let it not, however, be supposed that the Independence 
advocated in these pages, in reference to the " Black Man," 
is in any sense exclusive ; it is rather that which belongs to 
man as a social being, and which forms the glory of England, 
France, and America ; an Independence which, while it ex 
tends shelter to all, retains at the same time a perfect na 
tional identity, while it tells upon every child in the nation, 
stamps its character upon each family, is seen in the peasant s 
gait as he strides his mountain tops, and in the more devel 
oped townsman is visible as he paces his own streets. 

Unconscious, bold, instinctive are the airs, 
Of those who feel as if the earth were theirs ! 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XIX 

Hayti and Liberia have, indeed, been exclusive in their In 
dependence j but this, it must be admitted, has been rather 
from necessity than choice, as the history of each country 
will show ; this necessity, however, no longer exists in either 
case, and it is for them to judge whether they will not, by 
perpetuating such defiant attitudes, in excluding those who 
now freely open their doors to them, expose themselves to 
the sarcasm of the age \exdmiveism cannot belong to man 
as a family ; hence all walls of separation between mankind 
must everywhere speedily fall ; the utmost intercourse, or le 
gitimate amalgamation, being in no way incompatible with 
the most complete national Independence and identity. 

It may be thought by some, both Black and White, that 
the tendency of the present work, in favoring a separation 
between two of the main branches of the human race, is more 
lowering than otherwise to the dignity of the " Black Man," 
the contrary, however, is most unquestionably the aim of the 
author of these pages ; in fact, it would be difficult to show 
that Independence is, or can in any way be, degrading, nor 
could any one sincerely entertain such a thought ; most cer 
tainly, Haytian Independence does not mean, or even sup 
pose, separation, in any isolating sense ; hence her capitalists 
are mainly foreigners, who may be viewed as among even 
the greatest supporters of the national Independence. 

If we enquire into the origin and cause of the various di 
visions which have taken place among men in former ages, 
we shall find that in most cases they have been nearly 
the same ; hence, the case of Lot and Abram s herdmen is 
highly illustrative of the question before us ; circumstances 
which men call accidental, have doubtless mostly originated 
their needed and salutary divisions throughout the earth, and 
we are probably right in concluding that one great law of 
Providence is, that the interests of the earth should be de 
veloped and worked out, upon the principle of national Inde 
pendence ; nor have the divisions among men, in this sense, 



XX INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 

ever involved the idea of degradation ; they have rather been 
upon the instinctive supposition, of each and all acting inde 
pendently for themselves, each thus exploring for himself, and 
bringing out the general resources and wealth of nature. 

Still the question might fairly be urged, has not a man a 
right to remain in the land of his birth ? To which question 
the only possible reply is or can be, that he has ! But if 
there did not, with this great truth, exist the right in every 
individual of the human family to change their place of resi 
dence, or their circumstances, and, if possible, better them, 
either by emigration or any other fair means, it would be 
most unhappy for the world. 

On this principle, the island of Great Britain, had long 
since been too small for its ever increasing population ; and, 
in fact, many other places in the world would, long ago, have 
become intolerable from density of population, had there ex 
isted no right to change. 

The undisputed right, therefore, to remain in one s native 
land, is indeed poor, compared with the right to be unrestrict 
edly at large at full liberty, to make tlie best of the world, 
and, so to speak, lay it out to the best advantage ! 

Hence the question of right, even to abandon one s 
birth-place, needs no further consideration. This not even 
forming any part, properly speaking, of the subject now before 
us, the right of all men and all communities to do and act for 
the best for themselves and their children, in the course of 
public events, is universally recognized ; and they are wise 
and happy who know how thus to appreciate true freedom 
for themselves and posterity. This is that true Independence 
which becomes every man upon earth. 

It was upon this sound principle of independence that the 
immortal founders of those Colonies which ultimately termi 
nated in the formation of the present great North American 
Republic, wrenched themselves and their families from their 
native shores. Notuithstanding their entire rights in the 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XXI 

beloved land of their birth, they simply, from motives which 
appeared to them sufficient, preferred the bleak and cheerless 
wilds of the New World, to what they conceived to be the 
despotism of their native land, which they felt destroyed 
the happiness of their homes and ancient fire-sides ; hence 
they literally flung themselves upon the world, and even wan 
dered about in the dens and caves of their new-found land, 
to save themselves from the fury of untutored man ; and yet 
this painful exchange was even sweet to them of oppression 
for liberty ! as the free and spontaneous praises of Jehovah, 
which rose from their noble hearts, breaking the long silence 
of the primeval forests now before them, attested although 
they were not insensible to the endearing sweets of their 
ancient homes Avhich they had left behind. Nor is it to be 
wondered at, that the grandeur of such a genuine spirit of 
independence should have impressed itself upon a nation, 
which may now be said to be one of the glories of the age. 

The principle, therefore, here advocated, is one which must 
and does command the attention of mankind. There may, 
and indeed will be, various views as to its present application 
to the " black man " of the United States ; but the fact that 
national independence is the highest dignity to which either 
he or any other branch of the human family can attain, is 
not to be controverted. 

Nor ever did it occur to any of the descendants of the 
Pilgrim Fathers, that their great progenitors in any sense 
ignored either the cause of freedom or their friends, by thus 
departing from their country, and leaving behind them the 
great struggle for liberty in which they had so long been 
engaged ; or that they in any sense descended from their 
dignity, in leaving the land of their birth, for the carrying 
out of the great purposes which they had in view. Rather 
their own fathers applauded them, as they wafted from their 
ancestral shores, and voluntarily gave up all right to their 
own birth-place ; while they themselves were cheered with the 



XX11 INTRODUCTORY EEMAKKS. 

hope of establishing their own just principles of religious 
liberty on those far-off shores, towards which they had now 
set their faces. And great have been the results of their 
bold and daring energy results which have amply demon 
strated the soundness of their principles, thus annihilating all 
doubt as to the carrying them out in modern days, by the 
simple force of preference and principle, for whatever rea 
son might be deemed sufficient. 

It is not meant here to insinuate in the remotest manner, 
that either the ruling power or people of the United States 
intend in any sense the oppression of the " black man." 
Nothing can be more evident, than that at the present moment 
honesty and justice are in the ascendency in the great Amer 
ican Republic, on the African question ; nor is it to be sup 
posed that the rivers of blood which have been poured out 
as the purchase-price of justice, laid down before God and 
man, in awful conflict, will be in vain. But the fact is before 
the world, that the slavery and degrading bondage of past 
ages, so fertile in every conceivable evil, and so ruinous to 
all ranks and conditions of men, giving even to liberty itself 
a sickly hue, and perverting noblest minds, have left behind 
them false views and unhappy effects, from which independ 
ence would prove a shelter. Such were the noble Lincoln s 
views. Such, too, were those of Toussaint L ? 0uverture ; and 
if all Africa could speak on such a subject, it would be with 
no uncertain words. Nor will it be surprising that the 
thought of a black independence, rising out of the great 
numbers of the sons of Africa in the United States, should 
have found birth in a Haytian element, or that it should 
appear here, although only in the form of a question. 

Astonishing as it may seem, it is a fact that political strife 
in Hayti has sometimes laid hold of the question of color, 
between the blacks and those of mixed blood, for the accom 
plishment of base purposes ; nevertheless, the man who would 
presume to think more of his lighter hue, and in any sense 



INTKODUCTOKY EEMAKKS. XX111 

act upon it, would, in the land of Toussaint, find himself 
greatly mistaken, and would soon feel himself under the neces 
sity of concealing his empty vanity, in the presence probably 
of his darker superior, whose education might possibly have 
left him in the shade. In fact, it is seen in Hayti that a 
complete education is a withering power to the vague hate 
of color. 

But men in all ages have been guilty of absurdities ; 
hence the justly celebrated Macaulay informs us, that in an 
age not very remote from our own, the Irishman was looked 
down upon with absolute contempt, by his lordly and con 
ceited English brother ; nor does the great historian fail to 
make this singularly plain. And such, too, has been the 
course pursued in all ages ; shades and straws have been the 
causes of rivers of blood, and peace has often come about 
only from sheer exhaustion. 

Nor would it be difficult to understand that thousands of; 
recently freed men, from similar circumstances, might gladly 
avail themselves of an open door of deliverance from elements 
which are in contact with God himself, and cannot but be 
productive of anguish. It might, indeed, be said, Live them 
down ! But there are various ways of doing this ; nor can 
there be any doubt of the effectual power of a Christian and 
well-ordered independence in such a case. We, however, are 
here reminded that the social question is not settled as a 
mere matter of right. The "black man" must command, 
intellectually and morally. His well-formed soul must be the 
power. This must be his demonstration that " all men are 
equal !" This, too, is the great truth which would justify 
a constantly open door to a well understood independence, 
for all who might wish, from any consideration, to change 
either their place of residence or national style of life, where 
the " black man" might rise in independent freedom. 

Hayti and Liberia whatever their past history may have 
been are now free and independent nations, and are both 



XXIV INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 

advancing* in all the interests and prosperity of the age. 
They are giving proof of the soundness of the great princi 
ple which it is the aim of this volume to illustrate, and which 
constitutes the glory of their national existence. 

An exodus in any sense is not here meant. All that is 
thought of in the present reasonings, should be the result of 
unconstrained choice, whether for or against. " Let each 
one be fully persuaded in his own mind." All motives being 
entirely Christian, all will be safe. 

The black man, or any other, who might wish an element 
of yet greater freedom in any respect than that which he 
now realizes, is only the renewed case of thousands of every 
past age. Like his predecessors of all the past, he withdraws 
to wherever he pleases, and from whatever motive he pleases. 
He does not ask about his right to remain here or to go 
there. Tie, as a Christian, follows his moral instincts, and 
what may seem to him the leadings of Providence. 

Let even millions move. Nothing need be feared from 
the utmost liberty of action, while the honor of man of every 
shade is the sole motive and aim. 

It will be easily understood that the ground-work and 
elevation from whence all these views are taken, is Hayti ; 
nor can anything be more certain than that the reasonings 
here adopted, as well as the feelings here expressed, are very 
decidedly those of the enlightened and educated portion of 
the Haytian people ; while it cannot be denied, whatever be 
the national defects of Hayti, that the present educated 
classes of this country are sufficiently numerous and power 
ful, fully to establish and demonstrate the great question 
before us, that independence is its true dignity. 

That there ever should have been an entirely uneducated 
class in Hayti, is to be deplored ; but this evil is now recog 
nized, and its sole cure is now well understood. The Christian 
Churches, therefore, that have ears to hear, " let them hear !" 

With regard to the great mission of Hayti, as given it by 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XXV 

God, in a Christian, national sense, and in the order of 
Providence, which we may presume was to prove that man 
of every hue is man, many Christian men, to whom great 
deference is in every respect due, have seemed to hesitate as 
to the success realized in this respect. Whether this hesita 
tion has been well founded, or whether there has been in all 
such cases a sufficient knowledge of Hayti, to warrant the 
conclusions arrived at, remains to be considered. Much, in 
such cases, would depend upon the amount of expectation 
which may have been entertained. If the class of persons 
referred to have expected of Hayti a model Republic, in 
which all the details of free institutions and free government 
should be entirely developed, then there might well be hesi 
tation. The question, however, is, whether such an expecta 
tion was fair and reasonable. Can we fairly overlook the 
inevitable distance which there must, in the nature of things, 
be between national infancy and national maturity ? This 
overlooked, disappointment would become certain. 

Let, then, the law of nature and plain truth be here car 
ried out, and all difficulty in the case will cease ; by this law 
it will be at once evident that we only reap that which we 
sow ; and without any reasoning, we understand that that 
which was never sown at all, can never appear. 

The question, therefore, which naturally arises in this case, 
is What has been sown in Hayti, morally, politically, or 
otherwise ? This question demands fair and serious attention ; 
for if the evil seeds of false and pernicious principles, reli 
giously, intellectually, and politically, have been sown broad 
cast, all further hesitation must evidently cease. 

Nevertheless, the mission of the Haytian nation was, it 
may be presumed, to develop and establish the character of 
the black man. This may not have been done as probably 
many expected it to be ; but it is certain that the great law 
of God and nature, as we have just referred to it, has been 
carried out and fulfilled. 



XXVI INTRODUCTORY REMAKES. 

An Anglo-Saxon ancestry might have placed everything 
on a different track in Haytr ; yet it would not be difficult 
to show that the land of Toussaint has not been the least 
amongst its sister Republics in the new world, whose origin 
has been more or less similar. 

Hayti has already demonstrated the fallacy of much that 
was once said of the African, and to our great astonishment, is 
still persisted in by a deservedly distinguished traveler of 
our own day, who has perhaps immortalized his name by his 
African discoveries ; but whose views as to the African as a 
man, do not appear to harmonize with those of the great 
Livingstone. 

To one who has resided long in Hayti, it is somewhat 
amusing to hear that the Negro, after a certain age, is worth 
little in literature or mental power. It would be a curious 
enquiry to examine on what ground this is said how and 
why is this vitality lost ? and is it in harmony with the expe 
rience of five and twenty years educational labor in Hayti ? 
Men that have had romance enough in them to face black 
savages, and sometimes tremble for their lives among 
them, are not always the best judges of the mental powers 
of such branches of the human race. 

The blacks of Hayti, who have received a good education 
either in France or in their own country, know how to 
prize it. Those who think differently might make many a 
test in that country, where some well educated blacks might 
be found who, mentally, are yet youthful at sixty ! 

In fact, such reasoning is simply the abandonment of truth ; 
and in the case of the great traveler just referred to, goes 
to show that it is possible for even great men, of a certain 
mental style, to travel amongst the savages of Africa until 
they arrived at the conclusion that they were, in their origin, 
" pre-Adamic !" or as impious mortals might suppose, a pre 
liminary essay of creative power, intended to produce a man 
of inferior order. Can this be seriously meant ? Rather is 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. XXVI 1 

it not an empty freak of an irreverent imagination ? It is not, 
however, uncommon for the reasonings of able men to lead 
to erroneous conclusions. 

The conclusions of the traveler in question, as to African 
incapacity, were doubtless those also of Julius Caesar and his 
attendants, as to the ancient Britons, when they first landed 
on their shores. Whether, therefore, the final decision of 
the class of men now referred to, that all attempts to raise 
such branches of the human race is useless, either by Chris 
tian missions or otherwise, is well founded, may be very safely 
left to the results of experience. The facts on this subject, 
both in Hayti and elsewhere, are indeed stubborn, nor do 
they leave any doubt on which side the real visionary is 
found on this question. 

Most unhappy would it be for uncivilized humanity to be 
left to the tender mercies of those who are quite undecided 
as to whether human beings, under certain circumstances, are 
men at all. 

Hayti has at least demonstrated the existence of sound 
mental material in the African ; and although this is a great 
and triumphant step, it must nevertheless be admitted that 
she might and ought to have done better still. 



CONTENTS. 



Page 
OFFICIAL REPORT OP THE HAYTIAN GOVERNMENT COMMISSION 3 

PREFACE 5 

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 11 

CHAPTER I. 

Discovery of Hayti. Native Indians. Gold discovered. Indian and 
Negro Slavery. -Arrival of the French Case of Oge. First French 
Expedition. "La Crete a Pierrot." Exports. Vandouism. 
French Revolution, Spirit of, in Hayti. Toussaint faithful to the 
French. Toussaint declines being King. He Rules the whole 
Island. He is captured by the French 31 

CHAPTER II. 

French Cruelty to Haytians. Dessalines proclaims Independence. 
Eight hundred Whites fall at St. Marks. Ferrand s Proclamation. 
Dessalines marches on Santo Domingo. Viet flogged to death. 
Dessalines retreats. He is shot. L Assemblee Constituante." 
Christophe marches on Port au Prince. The Republicans routed. 
Christophe retreats. His Laws on Marriage, etc. The two States 
compared. Gen. Borgella joins the Republic Chvistophe pro 
claimed King 58 

CHAPTER III. 

Distribution of Lands. Petion a Dictator. Republicanism the choice 
of the Educated. Ardouin on the Distribution of Lands. Christophe 
attacks the Republic. Desertion to the Republic. He builds 
Laferriere. His Palace. Candler s Description of it. Case of 



XXX CONTENTS. 

Page 

Medina. Ohristophe s Schools. He is smitten with Apoplexy. 
Fails in mounting his horne. Commits Suicide. Indemnity to 
France. Presidency for Life. House of Representatives. Esmon- 
gart to Christophe. Petion offers Indenmit} 7 93 

CHAPTER IV. 

First Wesleyan Missionaries Pressoir Persecution. New Repre 
sentative Body. Mackenzie on the Courts, etc. Amount of Exports 
in 1818. Petion s Funeral. Boyer President. Great Public Fire. 
Boyer takes the North. He takes the Eastern part. The Age 
blameable, not HaytL The Newspapers published. 121 

CHAPTER V. 

The Indemnity. Arrangements with France. First American Immi 
gration. Camp Meetings. Boyer s good negative. Code Rural. 
Blowing up of the Arsenal in 1826 Question of Population. All 
started from Europeans 149 

CHAPTER VI. 

The Executive Sovereign an error Periodical Presidency consid 
ered. Source of Revolutions. Cayea Revolutionary. Herard 
Dumesle and St. Preux. The House expels them. Rev. J. Tindal 
arrives. His health fails. Revs. W. T. Cardy and W. Touler 
arrive. Offer to make the Yaqui navigable. J. Candler. Boyer 
altogether French. Freemasonry in Hayti. Candler on the Military 
System 167 

CHAPTER VII. 

Arrival of M. B. Bird at the Cape Arrival of J. T. Hartwell at Port 
an Prince. J. Candler and the Priest. Different classes of 
Funerals. A National University desirable. The Earthquake of 
1842. Opening of the Wesleyan Church at Port au Prince , . 192 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Herard Riviere revolts. The Government without the means of 
transport. Boyer sends forces. They fraternize. The alarm 



CONTENTS. XXXI 

Page 

gun. Boyer abdicates. Riviere enters the Capita!. Ten thousand 
troops in Port au Prince. The new Government inaugurated. 
" L Assemblee Constituante." Bad elements creeping in. The 
government Provisoire deserving. M. B. Bird s journey to the 
South He preaches in a Catholic Church 222 

CHAPTER IX. 

Remarks on the Journey. Provisional Government attempts the * 
Education of the Masses. Gurrier proclaimed President. Postal 
Arrangements. Death of Guerrier. Pierrot President. He enters 
Port au Prince. Baptist Mission founded at Jacmel. Riche pro 
claimed President. Wesleyan School opened at Port au Prince . 253 

CHAPTER X. 

Riche" arrives at Cayes. His Proclamation. His Death. Soulouqne 
President. He leaves for the Spanish part. J. T. Hartwell builds 
at the Cape. Faustian the I M. B. Bird s memento to the Govern 
ment. Jere"mie Wesleyan Church finished by C. H. Bishop. 
Opened by M. B. Bird. Final Coronation. Cannibalism. Midnight 

Imperial entry to Port au Prince. Dr. Smith s Pamphlet (280 

V^, ** 

CHAPTER XI. 

The family is the nation. Boys and Cigars. Woman in Hayti. The 
Freedmen of the States. Wooden cross not Christ. Haytian Cos 
tume. Haytian table. Haytian furniture. A native Artist. Music 
in Hayti Funerals, Baptisms, Marriages. Masonic Funerals 
Sitting at doors. Public roads. Mothers absorbed in Commerce. 
Divorce 317 

CHAPTER XII. 

Soulouque falls Geffrard slips into Port au Prince Hayti Repre 
sentative. The masses as they ever were. Cannibals executed. 
Steamers now familiar to Port au Prince. Water works com 
menced. Blowing up of the Arsenal. Introduction of Gas. 



XXX11 CONTENTS. 

Page 

Improvements in Music. Prisons. Penitentiary. Religious Lib 
erty Concordat. Protestant Statistics Methodist Financial 
Committee . 353 

CHAPTER XIII. 

The Immigration. Its failure. Assassination of the President s 
daughter. Intended public meeting on the death of Lincoln. 
Quarrel between the English and Salnave. Geffrard s last Mes 
sage. Geffrard embarks for Jamaica. New Government 387 

CHAPTER XIV. 
The cause and cure of Haytian Revolutions 412 

CHAPTER XV. 

African Character as developed in Hayti 437 



HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE. 



CHAPTER I. 

Discovery of Hay ti. Native Indians. First rupture with the 
Spaniards. Gold discovered. Indian and Negro Slavery. 
Arrival of the French. The American Colonies rise. Case of 
Ogt. First French Expedition. "La Crete Pierrot." 
Exports. Religion in the Colony. Vandouism. French Revo 
lution, Spirit of, in Hayti. Liberty proclaimed in France. 
Toussaint faithful to the French. Toussaint declines being 
King. He Rules the whole Island. His rule severe. He is 
captured by the French. 

The great Columbus, star of modern days, 
Went westerly, and glowing, stood, over 
A new found world ! 

HAYTI was discovered by Christopher Columbus, 
on the 6th of December, 1492. 

The name of the island is said to have meant, in 
the native Indian language among many other 
things " High, Mountainous Land," but Columbus, 
on discovering it, thought it greatly resembled Spain, 
and therefore gave it the name of " Hispaniola," or 
little Spain : subsequently, St. Domingo, or St. 
Domingue, was for many years the name by which it 
was generally known in Europe ; since, however, the 
Declaration of Independence by the Haytians in 
1804, the ancient aboriginal name has been revived 
and adopted. This large and important island is 



32 

now, therefore, generally known by the name of 
Ilayti. 

The entire island is upwards of four hundred miles 
in length, from east to west, and about one hundred 
and eighty miles in breadth. It is situated between 
17 and 18 degrees north latitude, and between 
71 and 79 west longitude from Paris. Its situation 
with regard to the adjacent Antilles, is peculiarly 
central, having Cuba twenty-two leagues to the 
northwest, Jamaica forty-five leagues to the south 
west, and Puerto Rico about twenty leagues to the 
east-southeast. 

The native Indian population, at the time of the 
discovery of the island, has been variously estimated 
at from one to three millions. The aboriginal tribes 
have generally been represented as a mild and hos 
pitable race, and were governed by chiefs, bearing 
the title of Caciques. 

The whole island appears to have been divided 
into five different States, each one being ruled by a 
Cacique. 

"With regard to the primary origin of these ancient 
races, but little or nothing can be said with certainty. 
It is, however, evident, that on their discovery by 
Columbus, they were not what might be termed 
savages, but were rather a mild and interesting 
people, possessing a certain type of civilization ; and 
although greatly astonished at the sight of their 
new visitors, they were quite disposed to receive 
them well. We can, however, here only refer to 
history for the full details of all the facts and circum 
stances connected with the discovery of this island. 

It would appear that the first rupture between the 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 33 

Indians and the Spaniards took place in 1493, at the 
garrison left by Columbus some few leagues from 
Cape Haytien, on his first departure for Spain. 

History informs us that the Spaniards, having ill- 
treated the Indians, were fallen upon by them, and 
utterly exterminated. This unhappy event led to all 
the rest of bloodshed and murder which afterwards 
took place between the Spaniards and aboriginal 
habitants of Hayti,* thus showing how utterly vague 
is all merely nominal Christianity, either in the form 
of national creeds or otherwise. 

Various indications of gold having presented them 
selves, the love of that idol was soon vehemently 
developed, and the unhappy Indians were ere long 
dragged forth from the quiet of ages past, and as 
slaves, to which state they were soon reduced, were 
compelled to hunt the worshiped metal, either in 
the streams or mines. But the Indians of the 
tropics soon sunk beneath this weight of woe, and 
even speedily disappeared, to the perpetual dishonor 
of their rapacious, although nominally Christian 
masters. 

The use of the blood-hound, it would seem, contri 
buted much towards the bringing about of this fear 
ful result ; hence we are informed, that even Colum 
bus, on the 5th of April, 1494, when the natives of 
Jamaica opposed his landing there, let loose a blood 
hound upon them. Justin Martyr, also, a well known 
name of those days, observes : " Our people availed 
themselves of the blood-hound, in their struggles with 
natives." f 

Such were the perverted views of Christianity in 

* T. Madiera. f Schelcher oil Hayti. 



34: HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

that age ; and yet it must be admitted, that there 
were good Christian men among the Spanish clergy 
of that time, who had found their way to the new 
world, and who also were faithful in their remon 
strances against the wanton cruelties then practiced. 
I The great scarcity of hands for the working of the 
gold mines which had been discovered, and other 
exhausting toils, which were quickly imposed upon 
the Indians, soon originated the idea of seeking help 
elsewhere ; hence, Africa was thought of, from whence 
the white man delayed not to drag by thousands the 
unhappy Africans from their ancient shores ; and 
having shackled both soul and body, promptly set 
his more hardy limbs to work, thus soon lashing from 
him unbounded wealth. But the horrors of both 
Indian and Negro slavery have now long been before 
the world, and it will not be necessary to recapitulate 
them here, except as incidental circumstances, in the 
course of narration, may render necessary ; suffice it 
to say, for the present, that the wealth and splendor 
of St. Domingo, as the result of French slavery in 
after days, were beyond compare, as to anything the 
West Indies had ever previously known ; but injus 
tice of every kind ever carries with it the elements 
of self-destruction. 

The arrival of the French in Hayti was gradual, 
and according to the united testimony of history, 
commenced with a few adventurers, who settled 
themselves on a small island,* about opposite the 
town, now called Port de Paix. They were a class 
of men called fillibusters, or buccaneers. Their num 
bers gradually increasing, they soon came into con- 

* Latortue. 



FROM HISTOKICAL NOTES. 35 

tact with the Spaniards, who now had long been 
masters of the whole island. Conflicts, fearful and 
destructive, were the result. There is, however, 
reason to believe, that the French government sent 
out in the end men capable of protecting their sub 
jects ; hence contests for territory soon came on, 
which at last ended in taking possession of a portion 
of the main land, and the ultimate establishment of 
the little town of Port de Paix, already alluded to. 
This point once gained, it will be easily understood 
that encroachments went on, until in the end, limits 
were formally agreed upon between the Spanish and 
the French governments, and the island thus became 
divided into two colonies, the French part bearing 
the name of St. Domingue, understood in English as 
St, Domingo, which at that time was less than a third 
of the whole island. 

The elements and resources of every kind of wealth 
being found on these fertile shores, the active spirit 
of the French soon turned all to good account, and 
the result of their industrial powers became a subject 
of both wonder and admiration, although to the 
philanthropist, the whole of the West Indies and all 
the nations interested in them, had tarnished their 
honor by the use of slavery. 

Horned cattle had now long been introduced into 
Ilayti by the Spaniards, and were, when the 
French commenced their career in the island, quite 
abundant. 

The Spaniards had already commenced the impor 
tation of Africans. Slavery had begun its horrid 
course, and the French, like their predecessors in 
this foul scheme, from equal thirst of wealth, drove 



36 

on the fearful system with dreadful energy, so that 
from about 1650, which was soon after the com 
mencement of African slavery in Hayti, till about 
1737, the entire population of the French part of the 
island, including all classes and colors, amounted to 
600,000 ; and this, too, in an age when the means of 
traveling and general transport were very far from 
the facilities of the present day. Such, too, had been 
already the development of the unbounded resources 
of this fertile land, that it soon acquired the distin 
guished title of " Le Paradis des Franqais !" so 
great was the wealth that had been wrenched from 
the now annihilated Indian, and from the still lashed 
and groaning African. 

But slavery had by this time become a thoroughly 
consolidated system. The Spanish, English, French, 
and other nations, had forced its galling yoke upon 
the whole of the West India islands. 

In the French part of the island, the increased 
activity arising from an intense eagerness for wealth, 
brought on all the cruelties peculiar to slavery, and 
this passion became more and more intense : the 
exhaustless resources of the country were brought 
out, until in the end, riches and luxury assumed a 
scale of even grandeur, as may be seen at the present 
day in the northern part of the present Haytian 
Republic, by such remains of ancient seats as plainly 
indicate the style of former days, when the positions 
of both high and low were almost fabulous in their 
extremes of misery and ease. 

It is true that the French colonists frequently 
resided on their foreign properties, and their homes 
and general establishments, therefore, corresponded 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 37 

with their wealth and rank a habit exceedingly 
advantageous to the colony, making it as it did 
superior in production to the British colonies, where 
absenteeism, as to land-holders, was the general rule. 

French and other writers unite to give a glowing 
picture of St. Domingo, of which the details would 
doubtless be interesting here; it will, however, for 
the present, be impossible for us to enter into any 
of the particulars of the internal management of this 
splendid colony, under the French ; suffice it to say, 
that as to slavery, it was carried out in all its fearful 
and revolting details, while at the same time, the 
most rigid order was maintained throughout the 
entire system of things, civil, military, and religious, 
as it then existed. But amidst all this luxurious ease, 
so much sought and adored in the relaxing heat of 
the tropics, the instinctive throes of oppressed 
humanity would sometimes shake the foundations of 
society, a fact which ought to remind all posterity 
that truth and justice alone can render our homes 
safe, or make the future bright. 

During the eighteenth century, the seeds of fearful 
principles had not only taken root, but had risen up 
and borne their awful fruit. France broke her ancient 
chains, but in her fury, she confounded all order, and 
for a moment let loose upon herself overwhelming 
ruin. 

The North American Colonies, under British rule, 
also rose, and asserted their solemn resolution to be 
free, and constitute themselves an independent 
people. The convulsions necessarily associated with 
these gigantic efforts amongst mankind, are always 
great ; nor was it possible that such bold and mighty 



38 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

struggles for liberty, of every kind, should have been 
without eifect, on such a population as that which 
was now found in St. Domingue> especially when it 
is remembered that the materials which made up the 
general state of society at that time, were peculiarly 
liable to ignite and explode, as will be easily under 
stood when it is remembered, that in so many cases, 
the sons of the white colonists had been sent to 
France by their fathers, for their education, where 
they had acquired not only the general elements of 
literature, but where they had imbibed the political 
life and spirit of the times, from which such fearful 
and overwhelming storms broke forth. 

The simple but important fact of an European 
education having been given to many of the sons of 
the French colonists, should by no means be lost 
sight of in the history of this country, for it may be 
truly regarded as a hinge, on which so much that is 
interesting and important turned, in the general 
course of events which followed ; it w r .as, in fact, the 
root and spring of Haytian manhood as a nation. 

It was in France itself, therefore, let it be remem 
bered, that the colored sons of Hayti learnt to know 
what they were ; there it was that they were taught, 
at the expense of their own white fathers, residing in 
their native land, that they were men, and that 
righteous heaven had made them heirs of liberty, 
without reference to color or any other condition ; 
and yet, on the return of these well-prepared sons for 
liberty, their own fathers refused them those common 
rights of men, for which they themselves had fitted 
them, and even despised their darker hue. 

That flames of discord should burst forth from such 



FRQM HISTORICAL NOTES. 39 

conflicting elements, cannot be at all surprising to 
any who have read human history, or studied human 
nature. 

The case of Ogo will throw a melancholy light on 
this deeply interesting part of French colonial history 
in St. Domingue. 

Tliis individual, the colored son of a white colonist, 
had, by his education in France, acquired a full sense 
and consciousness of his dignity as a man, and on his 
return to his home, boldly demanded of the colonial 
government his rights as such. It should be under 
stood that this demand was not simply for himself, it 
was in the name of his fellows ; but it was received 
by those on whom it was made, both with contempt 
and indignation. A mock trial was the result of this 
demand, and the end of this iniquitous proceeding, in 
the name of law, was, that this unhappy, although 
noble minded man, was, with another^ led out to 
execution, and in open day, before the great church 
of this noted city, was publicly, and with the most 
humiliating ceremonies, broken on the wheel, his 
thighs, legs, arms, and loins, being broken by blows, 
inflicted with heavy bars of iron. This disgraceful 
scene took place in the city of Cape Haytien, on the 
25th of February, 1791." 

It is not surprising that the general course of 
oppression, which led to the barbarous execution of 
Oge and others, should at last have roused and set 
fire to the fiercest passions of our nature. This was, 
indeed, the case. Struggles and contests came on, 
and the passions rose to fury, until opposing armies 
of mutual hate were formed. Nor was it to be sup- 

* T. Madiou s History of Hayti. 



4:0 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

posed that France would lose so splendid a colony, 
without making the utmost effort to keep it. We 
therefore here give a statistic sketch of the great 
armaments, and immense expense, so promptly and 
unsparingly put forth by the home government, as the 
beginning of this dreadful struggle, which has taken 
its place upon the page of history. 

The following statement will enable us to form 
some idea of the forces sent from France to St. 
Domingo during the years 1802 and 1803 : 

FIRST EXPEDITION. 

Troops of all sorts, sent from Brest, under command of 

Viluret Joyeuse, on board eigh teen-men-of-war 6,000 

On the Lorient, and two others 900 

A squadron, by Admiral Gauthcaume 4,000 

A squadron, by Admiral Latouche 4,000 

A squadron, by Admiral Liiiois 2.000 

A squadron from Havre 1,000 

A Dutch squadron, Admiral Hurtzwitch 1,500 

SECOND EXPEDITION. 

In June, " Expeditionnaire " 1 ,600 

On board the Formidable and Annibal 1,600 

On board three men-of-war, in August 4,000 

On board the Yautour TOO 

On board the Lodi 2,000 

On board the Egyptian 2,570 

On board the Prudent 512 

On board the Jeanne Edouard 227 

THIED EXPEDITION. 

A division under Kochambeau 6,000 

A division under Admiral Bedout 6,000 

On board several men-of-war 4,000 

On board several vessels 1,500 

On boaM the frigate Infatigablc 1,000 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 41 

LOSSES UNDER GENERAL LECLERC, 

During nine months, according to statistics given by the French 
General, Pamphile Lacroix. 

Whites of both sexes, murdered in various ways 3,000 

General officers of all sorts, by sickness or war 2,000 

Soldiers slain in battle 5,000 

Soldiers lost by sickness 20,000 

Sailors by war and sickness 8,000 

Sailors of merchantmen, by war and sickness 3,000 

Men in Government employ, civil and military 

Lost by war and disease 2,000 

Men engaged in commerce 3,000 

Natives killed in war 0,800 

Natives lost by disease in Government service .... .... 1,800 

Blacks and colored by war V,000 

Blacks and colored, drowned and murdered, judicially. . . 4,000 

In these harrowing details, we see the price which 
it cost, not to retain, but to lose this splendid colony 
The elements themselves fought against the Europe 
ans ; in fact, that which sheds so deep a gloom on 
this already dark and melancholy picture, is the 
unhappy fact, that the leading purpose of this mighty 
armament, involving such an immense expenditure 
of gold, life, and suffering, was, not to liberate man 
kind, and thus carry out the great principles of 
liberty, for which France had convulsed all Europe, 
but it was a gigantic effort to re-enslave those who, 
having already drank the gall and bitterness of 
bondage, were now beginning to taste the sweets of 
liberty France herself having declared all men free 
and equal ! So uncertain are even the greatest gusts 
of political winds, which are raised by hollow and 
exaggerated principles. 

Doubtless, the climate, which was so unfriendly to 



42 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

European constitutions, became a powerful weapon 
in the Lands of the Haytians against their enemies ; 
and, like men of war, they knew how to turn every 
means to their own advantage, which they most cer 
tainly did in every conceivable manner. Yet it can 
not be denied, that they fought bravely, whenever 
necessity placed them in the front of their enemies, 
notwithstanding their army was composed of men 
who had but just come forth from the withering 
darkness of slavery. In fact, that an army composed 
of almost chaos itself, should have shown phalanxes 
of good order and rigid discipline, was not to be 
expected ; still it is not to be denied that the Hay- 
tian arms, in connection with the fiery elements of 
the tropics, etc., did confound and triumph over some 
of the best troops that ever left the shores of France. 
But the fact is, that neither intelligence, discipline, 
or bravery, can successfully maintain war against 
such deadly powers, especially when they are at the 
command of those who are at home in them, who 
know well how to use them, and above all, who have 
right on their side. 

Although it is not the design of this volume to 
enter fully into the details of those sanguinary wars, 
by which the Haytians won their liberty, it is but 
just to the memory of the brave that fell in this great 
struggle, and also to those who nobly stood by them 
when they fell, to record those deeds of valor, which 
in all ages have ever been appreciated and applauded. 
One narration of this nature may be due to Hayti. 
This was the attack of the French army in the affair 
of what is called " La crete a Pierrot." 

The place thus named, was a fortification in the 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 43 

northern part of the island, which in itself was said 
to have been comparatively insignificant, and was 
originally built, it would appear, by the English, 
being situated about a mile from the village, in the 
plain of the Artibomte, called " La Petite Riviere." 
One side of this fortress is nearly perpendicular, while 
from the north and south the approaches are difficult, 
and are covered with a considerable quantity of 
underwood, and some large trees, under cover of 
which, the French made their attacks. Three unsuc 
cessful assaults were made by the French, in their 
attempts to take this memorable fort. According to 
General Pamphile La Croix, who commanded one 
of the divisions of the French army on that occasion, 
the attacking force amounted fully to twelve thou 
sand men, while the native garrison could not have 
been more than twelve hundred, under the command 
of Le Chef de Brigade Larnartini&re. 

The amount of the attacking forces in this affair 
would scarcely have been credible, had not the 
account been transmitted to us by an evidently 
generous enemy in the French army. 

The little army holding the fort against such fear 
ful odds, being sorely pressed, and very naturally 
despairing, resolved at last to sell their lives as dear 
as possible, and therefore came to the final resolution 
of cutting their way through the superior forces of 
the French ; hence they rushed forth their dash was 
furious ; nearly one-half of them fell as they drove 
through the ranks of their enemies, the remaining 
half victoriously joining the main Black Army 
beyond. 

This feat is justly celebrated as a great and deadly 



44: IIAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

one in Haytian history, and is admitted to be such 
by the candid French military historian, already 
named, who was present at the time, and who relates 
this extraordinary case, with a frankness which 
commands admiration. This event took place in 
March, 1802.* 

Men of renown in arms, although many of them 
without any other education than that which was 
imprinted on their souls by the existing circum 
stances which surrounded them, had now risen up in 
Hayti. Toussaint, Dessalines, Christophe, Petion, 
Rigaud, with many others, were already high in 
military fame, and in that cause of independence 
which long has been the glory of Hayti. They had 
all shown themselves to be no ordinary men, having 
secured the liberties of an oppressed people by feats 
of valor and renown. It may indeed be said, that 
they were men of fury and of blood, nor is it to be 
denied that such was the case, although certainly not 
more so than their opponents, whose arms, in this 
case, were tarnished by the defence of an unrighteous 
cause, as well as much needless cruelty. 

Nevertheless, such were the leading Haytian spirits 
of this remarkable epoch men who had been raised 
to their elevation in the affairs of their own people, 
by circumstances over which they had had no con 
trol. Nor.is it to be denied that they were singularly 
fitted for their times and circumstances. They were 
indeed men of war, and therefore they used the sword 
unsparingly, and without hesitation, whenever it was 
needed. Nor let it be forgotten, that whatever bar 
barities were practiced, when the passions rose, they 
* Mackenzie s Notes on Hayti. 



FKOM HISTORICAL NOTES. 45 

wore only the imitations of an enemy with which 
they had to contend, whose pretentions to superiority 
in all respects were sufficiently great. It were, 
indeed, an easy task to show that the provocations 
of the Europeans of those times, in too many 
instances, consisted of the most barbarous atrocities 
that ever tortured human nature. But the white 
man s provocations doubtless commenced in the 
theft of human beings on the coasts of Africa, and 
were continued through generations of such slavery 
as was never surpassed in cruelty and oppression by 
either Egyptians, Greeks, or Romans. 

Here doubtless will be found the root and origin 
of all Dessaline s fury and cruelty. Here, too, was 
the false starti rig-point of those who brought superior 
minds and arms to this great contest; and if the 
dignity of independence is to be judged by the 
extent of life, blood, and treasure, laid down for it, 
then indeed will the merits of Haytian independence 
appear to be great. But injustice and oppression 
have never, in the whole history of mankind, failed 
ultimately to work out their own destruction. 

The Haytians, therefore, in their wars, have simply 
shown themselves to be as other men, nor will history 
fail to do them justice, for the leading minds among 
them at their national birth, were evidently, in many 
respects, equal to some of the most advanced spirits 
of that age, on the great questions of human rights 
and general liberty. 

But war has not always been the only phase of 
Haytian existence; although, like many other nations, 
this was the fiery element through which it rose into 
form and power. 



46 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

For a moment, therefore, let us turn our thoughts 
back to the commercial, educational, and religious 
interests of this remarkable community, during its 
colonial existence, especially as many of the elements 
of the present national peculiarities of Hayti are 
derived from the colonial regime, which was certainly 
not without some few good and interesting features. 

With regard to commerce, it can easily be under 
stood that the great and exhaustless resources of an 
incomparably fertile soil, together with an insatiable 
desire for wealth, w^ould certainly, with the power of 
life and death in hand, drive on industry at a rapid, 
yea, fearful rate. In fact, the sum total of the pro 
duce of St. Domingue became the wonder and admi 
ration of Europe, although the thought but rarely 
occurred in those days, that this was all iniquitously 
drawn from Africa. Bat with this power in hand 
over a population of about 700,000, the result of 
industry would be immense. It will not be astonish 
ing, therefore, that in 1801, the produce was 

Sugar of all sorts 18,535,112 Ihs. 

Coffee 43,220,270 u 

Cotton 2,480,340 " 

Logwood 6,768,034 " 

Cocoa Chocolate 648,518 " 

Sirup 99,419 " 

Gum 75,519 " 

Indigo 804 " 

Mahogany 5,217 ft. 

Besides which, an immense traffic was carried on 
in skins and a variety of woods. 

In this year were found in the French part of the 

island 

Horses 37,782 

Mules 48,852 

Horned cattle 247,612 * 

* Madiou s History. 



FEOM HISTORICAL NOTES. 47 

Such, in fact, was the amount of wealth, resulting 
from the tremendous pressure of oppression, which 
the system of slavery brought to bear upon the great 
mass of the slaves, that the aristocracy of the colony 
lived in splendor seldom equaled, as may be seen by 
some of the French historians of that day, as well as 
by the mansion-like remains, which are still standing 
in the northern part of the present republic. 

But a system which outraged every feeling of 
human nature, could not, in the nature of things, con 
solidate ; sooner or later, in such a case, all must 
change, either by reasonable or violent means. 

On the subject of education, under the colonial 
dispensation, it will be easy to conceive that any 
thing like a really developed, or widely extended 
system of tuition, would not even be thought of, 
simply because it was not compatible, or even pos 
sible, with the existence of slavery. In fact, with 
any kind of despotism, the one thing needful is 
ignorance. The elevation and instruction of every 
and each individual in a community belongs rather 
to our own day. 

At the same time, the various historians that have 
written on St. Domingue, inform us that education 
was not altogether neglected in the colony, and that 
here and there were individuals of both the clergy 
and others, \vho manifested more or less interest on 
this subject. But in all such matters, we have sim 
ply to bear in mind the tendency and spirit of the 
age. Still, there were even in those days, some few 
establishments founded, for both monks and nuns, 
with doubtless good intentions; but the centres of 
real good were indeed few, and their aims were 



48 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

limited. This indeed, at this time, was the case 
throughout Europe; in fact, up to the end of the 
eighteenth century, even in the most advanced por 
tions of the civilized world, the education of the 
masses was rather dreaded than sought. 

The great movement in Hayti did not, therefore, 
begin in a thirst for knowledge, nor was it the off 
spring of a widely diffused or national education ; it 
was rather the effect of the French revolution, which 
was the great event of that day, and which, notwith 
standing all its horrors, nobly declared all men to 
be free ! 

Whether the fierce leaders of that astonishing con 
vulsion of humanity remembered that the descend 
ants of Africa in St. Domingue had ears to hear, and 
hearts to feel, on this great question, need not now 
be discussed ; although it must be admitted, that the 
colored people of the French colonies were honorably 
treated, and well received in France, as the repre 
sentatives of their people. 

On the subject of religion, although it was much 
more widely diffused than education, yet that it was 
such as really regenerates the heart, may be fairly 
questioned. On this subject, two things are to be 
noted : 

First, that the ceremonies and general ritual of the 
church of Rome prevailed, as far as Christianity was 
concerned. 

Secondly, that African superstitions were believed 
and practiced to an awful extent. In fact, to enter 
fully into detail on this question, would require a 
volume of no ordinary size, and would most certainly 
bring out some awful developments. Certain it is, 



FKOM HISTORICAL NOTES. 49 

that the presence and pernicious influence of African 
superstitions was the constant complaint of the 
colonial writers. Doubtless there were in this 
colonial community many well intentioned people. 
But the foundations of society here were wrong, and 
the very structure of things was incompatible with 
true Christian principle. 

One of the leading superstitions introduced from 
Africa w r as Yandouism, of which the presiding god 
is called Vandoux. The disciples of this creed are 
generally formed into organized and united societies, 
which are bound by solemn oath to secrecy. 

We are informed by a French writer* that the 
word Yandoux is said to mean, in the African sense, 
an almighty, omnipresent, and omniscient being. 
We are also informed that this being is represented 
by a snake or serpent, not venomous. But whatever 
may have been the original meaning of the word in 
question, it is impossible to suppose it to have been 
so understood by the Africans themselves, unless we 
are to understand it as a proof, that an advanced state 
of civilization at one time existed in Africa an idea 
in perfect harmony with much that has been said of 
the main divisions of the human family. 

But the ceremonies and rites connected with the 
Yandoux worship, are minutely detailed by the 
author last referred to. They are painfully interest 
ing, and lead to the inevitable conclusion, that the 
climax of the system is immorality and perdition.f 

* Morau St. Mery. 

t The Vandoux dance, in which both sexes engaged frequently 
under the influence of intoxicating drinks would lead on to a 
sort of religious phrenzy, which terminated in the greatest 
obscenities. 



50 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

Such was the general state of things under the 
colonial system in St. Domingue. Commerce and 
wealth were abundant, but all was the effect of 
brutal force, and not the happy fruit of spontaneous 
industry ; literature and education, with very little 
exception, being excluded. 

The details of this unhapy state of things, as here 
given, are not indeed minute. But perhaps enough 
has been said, for our general guidance, in forming 
our ideas on the question in hand, and to enable us 
to see that the forming materials for this nation con 
sisted principally of masses of human beings, which 
had been brought over by ship loads from Africa, 
each mind being steeped in foul and gloomy super 
stitions, which had been handed down from genera 
tion to generation, for many ages past, unaccom 
panied by any ray of light, on any really good and 
useful subject. 

True, the imported Africans now found themselves 
in contact with light and intelligence, which they 
had never known before. But in the case of their 
now white masters, the melancholy fact stands clearly 
out, that religion and knowledge were wielded as 
mighty powers, to awe the enslaved masses into the 
degrading belief, that they were really inferior 
beings. Nor is it to be questioned, that this ruling 
idea, so essential to the security of an unrighteous 
power, was worked out and acted upon, until all 
sense of manhood was at last annihilated, together 
with every noble feeling, even of their former 
savage state ; all was degradation, both to the high 
and to the low. Hence the whole course of things 
was ruinous to all parties ; the master dared from 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 51 

fear, and the bondman submitted from the same base 
motive, until all was error, tyranny, and corruption. 

Such a people seizing their liberty, and wresting 
it by force of arms, from an enemy vastly superior to 
themselves, would inevitably involve the necessity 
of a military system, as the only means under such 
circumstances of protecting their liberty. They had 
indeed beaten oif their enemy, but there was reason 
to believe that his purpose was to re-enslave, as was 
evident in the case of some of the other French 
colonies, where slavery had been recommenced. 

Hence the sword, which had become the deliverer, 
became the protector, and ultimately, the ruler of the 
nation. Justice, therefore, compels us to admit, that 
the character and style of the Haytian Republic, 
as to public institutions, were formed under the 
most unhappy circumstances ; and it might perhaps 
safely be said, that this nation stands alone as to the 
circumstances of its origin and formation. Neverthe 
less, there were among the originators of Haytian 
independence, minds well formed, and of enlarged 
views, as to what a free people ought to be, as may 
be understood from the fact already mentioned, that 
many of the sons of the colonists had received their 
education in France. Yet it will be easily under 
stood, that these men, with their educational advan 
tages, were greatly embarrassed by a mass of igno 
rance, of which they were greatly in advance, and yet 
without which they could not act, although they 
could not in all cases control them. 

It is, however, an extraordinary fact, that even 
from the uneducated masses of those days, men 
would almost suddenly appear, who often seemed 



52 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

to be singularly fitted for the work, which divine 
Providence evidently meant them to accomplish in 
behalf of their people. 

The spirit of the French revolution, with its gene 
ral bearing, became well known to and understood 
by the Haytians ; but the details of its influence and 
general working upon this infant people, must be 
left to the future historians of events relating to 
Hayti. "We, however, must not lose sight of the 
revolutionary spirit, which thus innoculated this 
nation from its very birth, and which, from want of 
the habit of free and open discussion, political or 
otherwise, have been, in a certain sense, the only 
safety-valves of the nation. 

From the general working of circumstances and 
events, rose that remarkable man, Toussaint L Ouver- 
ture, who as a slave, faithfully served his kind 
master, Mons. Bayou, as coachman. Toussaint, in 
gratitude to his benefactor, who had given him more 
or less education, not only aided him in his flight to 
the United States, but also in supporting him in his 
exile there; and being then at liberty, joined the 
insurgents under Jean Francois, by whom he was 
rapidly promoted. 

Toussaint, in this case it would seem, simply fought 
for royalty, under the impression that it was the 
form of government best suited to his people. This 
royalist party was then in connection with Spain. 
But Toussaint L Ouverture soon left the Spanish 
service, and was accepted by the French General 
Laveaux, by whom he was made a general. Tous 
saint was soon recognized as a man of great ability, 
and as such, his influence over the blacks would 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 53 

naturally be very great. He now promoted the 
French interests, and soon drove the Spaniards in all 
quarters. 

Ultimately Toussaint L Ouverture was invested, 
by the French Commissioners, with the office and 
dignity of General-in-Chief of St. Doinihgne. 

The conviction that the French were sincere in 
their declarations as to Liberty, doubtless won Tons- 
saint back to them; 

On the 14th of February, 1794, entire liberty to 
all men was proclaimed by the French Republic, in 
tentionally involving the abolition of slavery, and 
this was ratified by the reception of Black and Col 
ored Deputies, which were sent from St. Domingue 
to represent that branch of the French Empire ; nor 
shotild this remarkable circumstance, connected with 
the great French He volution, be lost sight of, or 
slightly passed over ; for it ought to be remembered 
that nations, which in those days made far greater 
pretentious to Christianity than Revolutionary 
France, then, and even long after, held men in chains. 

The declaration in France of universal liberty was, 
in this case, practically carried out ; and the proof of 
sincerity, at least in the dominant party of the day, 
with regard to the entire equality of mankind, was 
seen in the great fact that all shades of color, as Re 
presentatives from St. Domingue, took their seats 
with their White Brethren, now their recognized and 
acknowledged equals, as in fact they were in intelli 
gence, civilization, and education. 

Whatever horrors, therefore, distinguished the un 
paralleled convulsion produced by the French Re 
volution of the latter part of the last century, the 



64: HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

recognized equality of mankind, on the subject of 
color, was an honor which no other nation, however 
Christian, had at that time acquired, and which, even 
at this day, we are compelled to applaud, at least as 
to all who were really sincere in this matter j for, it 
must be admitted that subsequent events proved but 
too clearly that they were only a portion, however 
powerful, of the French nation whose views were 
thus liberal. 

The French Commissioners in the Colony of St. 
Domingue, it should be stated, had, in an hour of 
alarm, proclaimed the Emancipation of the Slaves, 
who were now in great excitement from fear of be 
ing again re-enslaved ; but, under the power and in 
fluence of Toussaint, as General-in-Chief, they were 
soon marshalled into a body of industrious free 
lab orei*s. 

Up to a late period of his life, Toussaint remained 
faithful to the French, who long were indebted to his 
unlimited influence over the masses ; but he was also 
inflexibly true to the great cause of Liberty ; yet 
his fidelity to France is seen in the fact, that while 
he served the French, he maintained and kept up 
the produce, prosperity, and general industry of the 
country; a fact which, in connection with the unde 
niable injustice and oppression of the "White Colo 
nists, throws the guilt of all the blood which was 
shed in the Revolutionary struggles of St. Domingue 
upon the Whites ; who, by plain honesty and 
impartial justice, might have saved their lives, their 
country, and their fame. 

During the time of Toussaint L Ouverture, the 
English had been called in from Jamaica by the 



FROM HISTOEICAL NOTES. 55 

French White Planters, and they soon began to dis 
play their power, ultimately establishing themselves 
at Port-au-Prince and other places ; but their mili 
tary force was always comparatively small, and 
they at last evacuated ; to this day, however, several 
forts, in various parts of the country, are pointed 
out as having been built by the English. 

It is said by a French author * that the British, 
during their stay in the country, offered Toussaint to 
create him King, and to sustain his Independence ; 
tins, however, he is said to have declined, notwith 
standing he was, like most men, ambitious of power ; 
while at the same time the sending of his two sons to 

O 

France for their education, strongly indicated his 
entire fidelity to that country, and that he did not 
aspire to anything beyond the honors which he then 
enjoyed, and of which he had shown himself worthy. 

In 1805, Toussaint decided on extending his rule 
through the Southern part of St. Domingue, where 
General Rigaud had long presided as Military Chief. 
Toussaint having the masses with him, and being 
himself popular, it was, perhaps, to be expected that 
Higaud s party should disappear, although headed by 
a man of no ordinary character. 

Toussaint prevailed, and having thus made himself 
master of the whole of the French part of the Island, 
he now marched upon the city of Santo Domingo, 
the ancient city of the Spanish part of Hayti ; here 
also his arms were victorious, so that the extent of 
his Empire was the entire length and breadth of the 
Island ; his rule was severe and rigid ; indeed, one 
Haytian historian speaks of him as having been ex 
ceedingly cruel, f 

* Pampkile la Croix, j St. Reiiy cle Cayes. 



56 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

There is, indeed, something significant in the two 
last named campaigns ; a full narration of them 
would, doubtless, be exceedingly interesting ; that 
they had a definite object in view is not to be doubted, 
but notwithstanding the well demonstrated honor of 
Toussaint, the suspicions of Napoleon were probably 
roused by his great successes and power, as in fact 
became quite apparent in the end. 

After the conquest of the city of Santo Domingo, 
Toussaint convoked an " Assemblee Constituante," 
composed of the leading Generals of his army ; from 
this body emanated a document in the form of a 
Constitution, the proclamation of which was offensive 
to JSTapoleon I., who, on hearing of it, declared that 
Toussaint, by this act, had thrown off the mask and 
drawn the sword from the scabbard for ever. How 
he could have arrived at such a conclusion, is diffi 
cult to understand ; Toussaint having, in all good 
faith, sent him a copy of all the proceedings for his 
examination and approval ; the French, however, 
from this time ceased to consider Toussaint true to 
them. 

That the rule of Toussaint L Ouverture should 
have been harsh and severe, is not astonishing, for 
he had resolved to keep up the produce of the Island, 
and having himself been trained to do this by brutal 
force, he probably deemed it the only means of ac 
complishing his purpose ; nor are we to lose sight of 
the fact, that he could not be expected to have had 
any really correct idea of free Institutions or free 
Government. 

Toussaint, however, remained true to the French 
as long as they themselves remained faithful to the 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 57 

leading principles of tlieir own great Revolution, in 
relation to universal Liberty ; nor is it to be sup 
posed that his own nature could go beyond this ; but 
on the arrival of the last army sent by Napoleon 
L, under General Leclerc, the suspicions and fears of 
the Haytians were greatly excited by the fact, that 
while the highest pretensions and the strongest as 
surances were made as to sustaining the liberties of 
the Haytians, the other French AVest India Colonies 
had been again reduced to slavery. Here, then, was 
fearful reason for any change which might show itself 
in Toussaint. He was faithful to the liberty which 
the French Revolution had proclaimed, and he was 
resolved to maintain it ; but the French Islands of 
Guadaloupe and Martinique having been again com 
pelled to bow to the iron yoke of slavery, he con 
cluded that it was impossible that the richer colony 
of St. Domingue should remain free. 

There was great dignity in the stand of the noble 
hearted Toussaint L Ouverture for Liberty ; nor will 
the true historian of Hayti fail to give him all due 
honor ; while posterity will never cease to deplore 
that he was seized by order of General Brunet, put 
on board a French man-of-war, and carried off to 
France, where he was thrown into the Fortress of 
Joux, in the Department of Jura. Toussaint L Ou 
verture was taken on the llth of February, 1802 
and died, it is said, of starvation in the month of 
April the following year, within the walls of the 
above-named fortress. 



CHAPTEE II. 

French cruelty to Haytians. Dessalines proclaims Independ 
ence. 800 Whites fall at St. Marks. Ferrand s Proclamation. 
Dessalines marches on Santo Domingo. Viet flogged to death. 
Dessalines retreats. Christophe carries off hundreds. Dessa- 
liues shot. " L Assemblee Constituante" Report to Christophe 
on Petion s Constitution. Christophe marches on Port au 
Prince. The Republican s routed. Christophe retreats. The 
Senate provides for Northern exiles. Laws of Christophe on 
Marriage, etc. " Ou peut on este mieux," etc. The two States 
compared. Rebecca Port de Paix. Lamarre Gardel, etc. Gen. 
Borgella joins the Republic. Christophe proclaimed King. 
Christophe s Crueltj to his Servant. -The Constitution read by 
every Haytian. 



The great primeval chaos of the earth 

Compared with that which from foul passions bursts, 

Was order ! 



THE French now having the strongest assurance 
that the blacks of St. Domingo were fully bent on 
maintaining their freedom, gave way to every evil 
passion, perpetrating the greatest atrocities, and the 
foulest barbarities ; hence the pangs through which 
this infant people rose to independence were indeed 
great. They, however, helped to form the nation, 
and compelled its independence. 

The unhappy Haytians were seized, and drowned 
by hundreds in the harbors ; "others were shot, bay 
oneted, or gibbeted, until hate, anger, and revenge 
had reached their horrid climax. 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 59 

In 1802, Petion and Clairveaux revolt from the 
French, and are soon joined by Dessalines, whose 
superior authority was recognized by Petion, and lie 
soon became General. 

The black and colored people were now finally 
resolved on liberty, but the horrors of their struggle 
were great. All parties became furious. The French 
had now yielded to the despair of their threatened 
and exciting position, their mortified passions rose 
high, and this soon brought on the pitiless and retali 
ating massacre of the whites by Dessalines, whom 
the fearful circumstances of the times had turned 
into a fury. 

The details of the mutual cruelties of all parties 
are fully entered into by the Haytian historian 
already referred to, whose work has been officially 
acknowledged by the Ilaytian Government as 
authentic.* 

Nothing could be more deplorable than the state 
of things at this time, as described by the historian 
just referred to ; indeed it is impossible not to read 
in it the simple truth that right, whether civil, politi 
cal, or religious, cannot be trampled upon with impu 
nity ; sooner or later, if not x in one generation, in 
another, a fearful reckoning comes on, for man is des 
tined to rise to the dignity of right, nor can mere 
shades of color hinder it. 

The year 1803 was rendered remarkable by the 
entire breaking up of the French power in Hayti ; 
the now roused indignation of an incensed people, led 
on by able and daring men, who had justice on their 
side, and were true to the great and righteous cause 

* Mad ion (Fils.) 



60 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

of liberty, proved to be too much for the abettors of 
slavery, although backed by all that France could 
do ; nor is it for a moment to be doubted that the 
utmost efforts of a great people were here brought 
out, for St. Domingue had now long "been the " Para- 
dis des Francais," and it was not to be supposed that 
it would be given up without a struggle. 

The bravery and energy of Dessalines were great, 
and he was very naturally considered by the Hay- 
tians to be the great hero of the day ; but lie had 
been inured to slavery, tyranny, and blood, nor had 
his mind been softened by education ; yet he was the 
man for the moment, and he had risen to eminence 
amongst his fellows by military feats which had 
swept away the enemies of liberty. 

This man, fearing neither France nor all the legions 
she had sent forth, or the yet greater she might still 
send, on the 1st of January, 1804, in the city of 
Ganaives, solemnly and fearlessly proclaimed the 
independence and sovereignty of the Play ti an people, 
and at the same time abolished for ever the name of 
St. Domingue, as a name which would only bring to 
remembrance the deepest horrors, and re-established 
the aboriginal name of Hayti. 

Thus singularly did a comparatively weak people 
triumph by the mere justice of their cause a people 
which probably it would have been easier for France 
to have annihilated than to have subdued. 

Thus too may it be said that slavery received its 
first great blow in modern days ; and as far as Hayti 
is concerned, 1801 may be considered as an epoch of 
no ordinary note. The fact is, that the honor of the 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 61 

first great shock to this gigantic evil of modern times, 
is due to Ilayti. 

Hayti thus dared the fiends of all the earth ; 
They fled before the glory of her birth. 

Dessalines, in the giddy whirl of victory, declared 
himself an emperor. It is, however, worthy of note, 
that he created neither nobility nor privileged class 
of any kind. True, indeed, the vanity of this extra 
ordinary step was quite enough without it. His rule 
was marked by the fierceness of his nature ; nor can 
it be for a moment surprising that such a man should 
have been in an exclusive sense fitted for this one 
great object, viz., that of defying France, by sweep 
ing slavery for ever from the shores of Ilayti, and 
proclaiming the sovereignty and independence of his 
country ; thus boldly starting the great principle that 
independence is the dignity of any people, to which 
God has given in any sense or manner a special 
destiny. 

Tiie barbarous drowning and gibbeting of the 
Ilaytians by the whites, doubtless provoked their 
wholesale murder by the infuriated Dessalines, under 
whose relentless sword men, women, and children, in 
the town and neighborhood of St. Mark s, fell both 
the provocation and revenge remaining as foul 
blots upon the page of history ; so true it is that in 
all senses we reap that which we sow. 

Eight hundred of all ages, and of both sexes, are 
said to have been swept off, at one fell swoop, by the 
ever-memorable Dessalines, at the last-named place. 

These dreadful events are minutely brought out 



62 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

by the faithful historian ; nor will truth and justice 
spare the guilty, of whatever color or people. 

In 1805, the French General Ferrand, then com 
manding the city of Santo Domingo, the capital of 
the Spanish part of the island, issued a proclamation, 
by which all Spaniards living on the frontier were 
empowered to reduce to slavery any of the Haytians 
which they might be able to capture. The natural 
effect of this iniquitous measure was the wrath and 
indignation of Dessalines, who immediately decided 
on marching against the ancient Spanish capital, and 
without provisioning his army, he arranges every 
thing for departure ; pillage, therefore, would become 
the only means of subsistence for this army of 30,000 
men. This too was intended by Dessalines as in 
some sense punitive, although it unquestionably 
suited the poverty of his resources. 

The country through which this mass of men had 
to inarch, was in many places mountainous and 
rugged, and frequently without anything worth call 
ing a road. The troops from the extreme west end 
of the island had not less than 193 leagues to march, 
before reaching Santo Domingo. 

In addition to other difficulties, it must be* remem 
bered that, in the Spanish part of the island, several 
formidable rivers would have to be forded, or crossed 
in large ferries, bridges being out of the question ; 
but this numerous army was driven through every 
difficulty and privation by the brutal proclamation 
of Ferrand, which, as might be supposed, had pro 
duced a fearful effect. 

In due time they arrived at the well-known pass 
between two mountains, in the neighborhood of 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 63 

Azua, where a few well-directed cannons might defy 
even a powerful army. Here Ferrand considered 
that the llaytians would certainly be entombed. 
Instead of this, however, to the great astonishment 
of the French and Spaniards, they took the Fort, 
which it was thought would have commanded e very- 
tiling, in such a position. 

Many prisoners were taken by the Haytians on 
this occasion, and among them the commandant of 
the Fort which commanded this pass, named Viet, 
who was brought before Dessalines, and was recog 
nized as an old colonist, who had been exceedingly 
cruel on his plantation. 

This unfortunate man was ordered by the Emperor 
to be flogged to death, which was no sooner done, than 
a Haytian soldier opened his breast with one stroke 
of the axe, and taking out his heart, devoured it 
before the army. The man that did this abominable 
deed, was from a cannibal tribe in Africa. Such an 
act was indeed horrible to think of ; and yet it is a 
humiliating fact that during the French Revolution 
of 1792, cases of furiously devouring human blood 
are recorded. 

Dessalines entered Azua on the 1st of March, and 
on the following 4th of the same month, he chal 
lenged Ferrand under the walls of Santo Domingo. 

" O 

Christophe s division had had to contend with the 
French and Spanish forces, before reaching the main 
body of the army. 

The force of all arms in the city could not have 
been more if even so many than 5,000 ; but the 
Haytians Had no artillery, and could not therefore 
contend with the heavy pieces of this ancient Span- 



64: HAYTIAN INDEPENDKNCE, 

ish fortification, whicli the besieged did not fail to 
use furiously against the besiegers. 

Soon, however, great murmuring commenced 
against the French General in Santo Domingo, in 
consequence of a great want of provisions in the city. 
But help soon arrived, and Dessalines hearing that 
Ferrand still expected more, called a council of war, 
in which it was decided that the assault on the city 
should be commenced on the 26th of March, which 
indeed took place ; but Dessalines, fearing that 
French forces were landing on other parts of the 
island, and despairing of success against an artillery 
to which he had none to oppose, raised the siege and 
withdrew, laying everything in his retreat under fire 
and sword. 

Christophe, as he advanced with his retreating 
columns to the north, set fire to St. Jago, it is said 
with his own hands, and ordered the butchery of 
twenty priests, who were found in the burying- 
ground of the place. 

The Haytian historian * also informs us that this 
General, during his retreat, took with him 349 men, 
430 male children, and 318 girls, who had been 
doubtless captured wherever they could be found. 

The siege had continued some twenty days. 

But the empire of Dessalines which had begun 
on the 8th of October, 1805 was destined to be 
of short duration. Although he had been the most 
daring friend of his country against its enemies, dis 
gust and impatience at his tyranny soon ripened into 
revolution, respecting which Dessalines is said to 
have declared that the entire south where in all 
*T.Madiou(Fils.) 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 65 

probability tins revolt against him originated 
should be drenched in blood, and left a desert, where 
not even a cock should be heard to crow ! 

On the 17th of October, 1806, Dessalines left 
Arcahaie, where he had arrived from Marchand, his 
favorite retreat, in the neighborhood of the town of 
St. Mark s, on his way to Port an Prince, his object 
being to put down the rebellion against his govern 
ment which had just commenced, not doubting for 
a moment of success. 

Arriving at " Pont Kouge," a bridge within half a 
mile of Port au Prince, and which he reached about 
9 A. M., on the last mentioned date, he found him 
self surrounded by a revolutionary army, which had 
decided on his destruction. When the two parties 
met, a confused conflict took place, in which lie was 
picked out by one in the opposing ranks, and shot. 

Thus fell the founder of Haytian independence, 
and it will be for posterity to judge the case of this 
first revolution recorded in Haytian history. 

The death of Dessalines, just or unjust, was doubt 
less brought on by the despotic course which he had 
pursued with his own people, who, had he only been 
just, would have made him their idol. His very 
looks are said to have inspired terror. Daring to the 
utmost, he doubtless was the right man to defy 
France, and break its iron yoke. 

After his death, some cut off his fingers ; others 
took the ornaments from his person ; such was the 
eagerness to have some relic of this extraordinary man. 

A Constitution had been drawn up under Dessa 
lines, which was considered to be suited to the times 
and circumstances of Hayti. The main thing, or 



60 

rather the most prominent feature, in the National 
charter thus drawn up, was the article which was 
then justly deemed indispensable to the national 
identity and independence of Hayti, viz., that the 
whites should be excluded, as land proprietors, from 
the territory of Hayti a measure only in harmony 
with that day, and can now be viewed only as a 
necessary evil. 

Exclusiveism can never, indeed, be considered as 
the order of God, and hence can never be perpetua 
ted, without ultimately bringing on the ruinous 
effects of stagnation ; free moral currents must sweep 
through all the earth, nor can it be doubted that this 
grand day of safe, healthy, and universal freedom is 
coming on. 

It is indeed to be deplored that the internal storms 
and conflicts of this small, but now independent 
nation, did not terminate with the political exectnion 
of Dessalines. This, however, was not the case. Yet 
far greater difficulties were in the future. The epoch 
now before us seems to have been a hinge upon 
which the hopes of the nation turned. It was indeed 
a critical moment. Nothing, however, is more 
deceptive than human nature. Peace might have 
been looked for even at this critical juncture of 
affairs ; but so long as it is not a principle in the 
human heart to covet the lowest place, rather than the 
highest, the assurance of peace must remain shaken. 
The highest place in this young nation, which was 
but just starting into life, was even already too much 
adored, and there were many who thought themselves 
equally entitled to and capable of all the power, dig 
nity, and honor which this country could offer. 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 67 

General Christophe was now a prominent charac 
ter on the stage of Haytian affairs he also having 
been renowned for his daring against the French. 
Hence, after the death of Dessalines, he was named 
by a military council, not only as commander of all 
the forces, but as the provisional chief of the nation. 
This honor was conferred upon him provisionally, 
until the National Assembly should be called. This 
great meeting was to be called " L Assemblee Con- 
stituante," and was invested with authority by the 
same originating source as clothed Christoplie him 
self with the power and dignity which he had receiv 
ed which was doubtless the first Senatorial body. 

This great " Assemblee Constuante," which must 
be considered, historically, as one of the starting 
points of free and constitutional government in 
Hay ti, took place on the 18th of December, 1806, 
in the cathedral church of the capital, which at that 
time was Port an Prince. 

Christophers residence was in the northern part of 
the island, at Cape Haytien. His ideas of govern 
ment were well known to be in favor of great powers 
and prerogatives confided to the Executive. In fact, 
it is probable that he had inherited from Toussaint 
L Ouverture the idea of a monarchical form of govern 
ment ; for although the latter is said to have declined 
a crown of British offer, and under British protection, 
yet it is probable that if he had remained in Hayti, he 
might ultimately have become an independent mo 
narch there having been great reason to believe that 
his ideas ran much in this channel. On this subject, 
Christophers views had been gathered from his general 
conversations. But in the West, where General Petion 



68 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

resided, all was enthusiastically in favor of Republi 
canism. In these two great facts the difference of 
political views and principles between Petion and 
Christophe doubtless commenced the unhappy divi 
sion between the northern and the western portions 
of the French part of llayti. 

Republican views and feelings, it would appear, 
prevailed in the National Assembly, notwithstanding 
the agents of Christophe were many, and his power 
and influence very great. 

After much warm and even violent discussion, a 
constitution was finally drawn up, on the most liberal 
principles, and Christophe was chosen President of 
the Republic of llayti, for four years. 

In this constitution, the articles excluding the 
whites as land owners, was continued, and the Roman 
Catholic religion was recognized as being that of the 
Haytian nation, without any reference to other 
creeds, in the way of toleration. 

During the framing of this constitution, one named 
Juste Ugonin is said to have written to Christophe, 
and to have observed to him that if he accepted it, 
he would have no more power than a corporal ! 

On the 27th of December, 1806, the final meeting 
of " L Assemblee Constituante" took place. All was 
anxiety ; and an ably drawn up Introduction to it 
was read by General Bonnet, who was a man of 
known ability; and this highly important national 
document, which had absorbed the attention of its 
framers until after sunset, was by them, amidst high 
hopes and expectations, signed by candle-light. 

It is a remarkable fact that it had been proposed 
to hold this important National Assembly at Cape 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. G9 

Haytien ; but Cliristophe, having all confidence in 
his own power and influence, opposed the proposi 
tion, lest it should afterwards be said that he had in 
any way influenced their decision ; yet he never 
scrupled to make it known that if the new Constitu 
tion should not suit him, he would reject it. In fact, 
his love of rigid and oppressive rule was already 
known, and even felt, as will appear from the fact 
that desertions from the northern army to the western 
had already commenced, and were not even uncom 
mon, which Cliristophe hearing of, would, as coin- 
mander-in-chief of the forces, send to Petion, at Port 
au Prince, requesting that such men should be sent 
back to join their regiments ; but his messages were 
generally coolly received, and severe letters passed 
between these distinguished Generals on the subject. 
Cliristophe was kept well informed of all that was 
passing at the capital ; and on hearing the general 
character and bearing of the Constitution just drawn 
up, he unwisely concluded, that being the responsi 
ble President of a Republic, he might at last, like 
Dessalines, fall under the power of the people. His 
rash and final conclusion, therefore, was to march at 
once upon Port au Prince. This decision formed, he 
issued a proclamation, in which he accused Petion 
and the Generals of the western part, of having so 
arranged matters with regard to the framing of the 
Constitution, and organization of the Republic, as to 
have all power in their hands, with a view, ulti 
mately, to reduce the whole nation under the yoke 
of their own power, hence he calls upon the people to 
take up arms in defence of their liberties, and at the 
same time promises full and free plunder to the army. 



70 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

We therefore iind ourselves here at the starting 
point* of innumerable evils for Hayti. Christophe 
was legitimately at the head of the nation ; this was 
fully and fairly recognized by all ; there was no dis 
position anywhere to deprive him of any honor that 
was due to him. l But the plain fact seems to be that 
he had resolved to hold all power, and to be without 
control, notwithstanding there were many at tnattime 
who were his superiors as to mind and education. 
Posterity, therefore, must and will blame this man 
as a despot, both in his principles and passions. 
Hayti as a nation cannot here be blamed. All had 
been well arranged ; in fact the nation had in the 
most open and legitimate manner chosen a Republi 
can form of government, and they had accorded to 
the right man its highest honor; but he chose to be 
a despot, and rose in arms against his own people ; 
nor is there anything here but what was in harmony 
with the general history of mankind, however much 
to be deplored. 

On the 26th of December, 1806, Christophe was 
at St. Mark s, about half way to Port an Prince from 
the Cape, with an army of 18,000 men, 

Petion left Port an Prince on the 1st ofLJanuary, 
1807, with some 3,000 men. He probably reckoned 
on increasing his army as he proceeded through the 
Country ; but arriving at a place called Sibert, which 
was a plantation, these opposing armies met, and a 
contest fierce and terrible commenced, between men 
and brothers, w y ho not long since had been firmly 
united against their common foe. 

Petion was entirely routed, his General s hat ren 
dering him a mark at which the enemy had already 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 71 

eagerly aimed. A young officer named Jerome 
Coutilien Coutard, snatched it from Petion s head, 
and putting it on himself,, saved his General, who had 
seriously began to think of committing suicide, under 
the impression that he was about to be taken prison 
er. The young officer, however, fell a victim to his 
noble feelings of devotion, while Petion, with one or 
two more, escaped, and reaching the sea shore, a 
canoe which was standing off came at his call, and 
took him from the Arcahaic side of the great bay of 
Port an Prince, to the opposite side, within a few 
miles of the capital, where his fate was not yet 
known. Some feared he had been killed, while 
others feared he had been taken prisoner. 

In the mean time, Petion s army had collected at 
Port au Prince, having been hotly pursued by Chris- 
tophe, so that the battle now raged outside of Port 
au Prince. General Yayou had taken (provisionally) 
Petion s place, and maintaining his ground, had kept 
off the enemy during the whole of that day ; but the 
next day Petion himself appeared, and was received 
with great joy and enthusiasm as their beloved 
head. 

The struggle between Christophe and the Republi 
cans was great, but all turned and was decided in 
favor of the latter. Even women and children are 
said to have helped, from sheer dread of the name of 
Christophe, so entirely was this man s name associa 
ted with the idea of horror. 

This great contest commenced at 3 A. M., on the 
6th of January, 1807 ; and on the 8th, the arms of 
Christophe having totally failed, w r ere on their way 
back to the north, leaving the Republicans in posses- 



2 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

sion of their capital, their constitution, and their 
liberty. 

At an early period in Haytian history, a military 
chief named Goman, in the South, occupied an 
important position, and occasioned much anxiety and 
trouble to the legitimate rulers of this Republic. 
But the details of this matter would be impossible ; 
for the present it must suffice simply to mention the 
fact of such a case, and refer for the details to the 
larger histories of Hayti. 

Here, then, we come to the complete, and for the 
present final division of this small, and but lately 
self-liberated nation a separation which was evi 
dently occasioned by the determination of one man 
to subdue a nation to his own views of government. 
No unknown rock, this, of pride and vanity, but one 
on which many of the mightiest of the earth have 
dashed themselves to pieces. 

Christophe not unnaturally thought that his adver 
sary, Petion, would have pursued him. This, how 
ever, was not the case ; and for this the conquering 
General was severely reproved by General Gerin, 
who declared that had Petion appeared in the North 
at that moment, the people would certainly have 
joined the arms of the Republic. But Petion s 
opinion was, that Christophers ferocity would soon 
ruin him, and that any further effusion of blood was 
needless. Christophe, left thus to himself, re-took 
Arcahaic, by a division under General Larose. . The 
people of this place were well known to be altogether 
Republican in their preferences, and therefore by 
this monarchical General they were given up to be 
pillaged, and several among the most prominent of 



FKOM HISTORICAL NOTES. 73 

this village were sent on to Marchand, where Chris- 
toplie had halted with his troops, and were there 
executed by his orders. 

Cliristophe, intending to make his seat of Govern 
ment at Cape Haytien, transported all the wealth 
which Dessalines had amassed to his intended capital, 
from whence he issued an address to the inhabitants 
of the North, in which he promises liberty, warns 
the enemies of his cause, and urges the people to give 
themselves fully to industry of every kind. 

At Port au Prince, the Senate had assembled, and 
appointed General Petion to the maintenance of order 
in the Western Departments ; General Germ being 
at the same time, and by the same authority, charged 
with the command of the South. 

Several of the representatives from the North, 
having voted in " L Assemblee Constituante" for the 
Republic, could not consequently return to their 
homes ; and beins; therefore involved in loss and 

* O 

difficulty, their cases were taken into consideration 
by the Senate, and suitable provision was made for 
them, while at the same time Cliristophe was decla 
red to be entirely outlawed, and the Constitution 
which he had rejected was adopted, and proclaimed 
with all due solemnity. This important and memo 
rable event took place on the 27th of Dec., 1806. 
The power of the Senate thus established, -they at 
once sent a military force, under command of Petion, 
to re-take Arcahaie for the Republic, for which it 
was w^ell known that place was inclined. This under 
taking was successful ; and many of the Northern 
troops, who had been taken prisoners on this occa 
sion, became citizens of the Republic. But Petioii 



74 HAYTIAN INDEPENDENCE, 

hearing of a revolt in the Southern part of the 
Island, deemed it prudent to return promptly to 
Port au Prince j notwithstanding the army demanded 
to be led on from Ascahaie to St. Mark s, which he 
considered would simply involve the shedding of 
blood uselessly, and therefore persisted in his purpose 
to return to the capital. Petion, however, did attempt 
to win over Christophers principal General, Larose, 
by addressing him a letter, but the Northern General 
tore it up without even reading it. 

Petion being now returned to Port au Prince, the 
Senate sent a strong force to subdue the revolt in the 
South, and to re-establish order there ; after which 
this legislative body proceeded to the regulation of 
the general finances of the State, on which subject 
General Bonnet read to the Senate a long and able 
address. 

During this time, Christophe sent back a military 
force to Arcahaie, the only object of which was to 
entirely destroy that place. The inhabitants fled to 
the woods, but were pursued by a furious soldiery, 
whose orders were nothing less than extermination.* 

These unhappy people had fallen victims to the 
fury of Christophe, simply because they were well 
known to be sincerely attached to the Republic. 
General Germ and his party, in this case also, 
reproached Petion for having suffered this massacre 
to take place, while he had 10,000 men at his dispo 
sal ; nor indeed is it easy to understand such a seem 
ing neglect. 

Christophe now began to organize his affairs, and 
a Constitution promptly appeared^ in which Havti is 

* Madiou. 



FROM HISTORICAL NOTES. 75 

declared to be a State, with a President at the head. 
This Constitution was inaugurated with great pomp 
and ceremony ; and General Christophe, who was 
now Chief Magistrate of the new State, attended the 
" Te Deum " which was sung in the Church at Cape 
Haytien, at the close of which the new functionary* 
received the most flattering -felicitations of the peo 
ple at large, and especially of his Generals. 

It is indeed remarkable that a man whose fierce 
and unfeeling character had already manifested itself, 
should have become so popular ; but lie was known 
to have enlarged views of things, hence, with all his 
defects, he was at that time considered an extraordi 
nary man ; and what ultimately in him degenerated 
into ferocity, was in the commencement of his career 
great and unusual energy. 

On the 25th of February, 1807, Christophe s Coun 
cil declared its power and authority over the entire 
Island, not only in opposition to the "West, but in 
defiance of Spain and France. The same was done 
by Petion and his Republic, in the West; while 
General Ferrand, in the name of France, at Santo 
Domingo, in the East, declared his power over all 
Hayti. Here, then, were three claimants for this 
Island, and each one pretending to unlimited power. 
These, however, were mere declarations ; for although 
they each led to their separate consequences ulti 
mately, yet for a moment all were anxious for a 
pause. Breathing time from past exhaustion was 
now needed by all parties ; and by the time the 
needed pause had ceased, views, feelings, and circum 
stances underwent important changes. 

Christophe, during 1807, established regulations, 



76 

the object of which was the promotion of morality 
in the State. One was, that public functionaries, 
military and civil, including public schools, should 
be expected to attend public worship. Another was 5 
such laws on inheritance by legitimate children only, 
as should cover the issues of concubinage, adultery, 
and incest, with shame and disgrace. Such regula 
tions must indeed have been keenly felt by a popula 
tion, the vast majority of* which must have been at 
that time out of the pale of honorable marriage, and 
tends to show the fearful evils which must have been 
entailed upon that generation by slavery. 

In the meantime, the Republicans in the West pro 
ceeded to organize their now- fairly started Republic, 
A more definite Executive was necessary, and the two 
principal candidates, it would appear, were Generals 
Gerin and Petion. The former, it would seem, was 
so certain of his election, as history informs us,* that 
lie actually ordered and directed the making of his 
official coat ! It turned out, however, that the votes 
were very decidedly in favor of Alexander Petion, 
who, on the 9th of March, 1807, became the first 
President of the newly-formed Republic of Hayti, 
then confined to the Western part of the Island. 

On the 10th the following day General Petion 
appeared before the Senate ; the Senators receiving 
him sitting, with their hats on. The General at that 
time was suffering from rheumatism, and was there 
fore leaning on crutches. Receiving the newly-elected 
President thus covered, was indeed significant, and 
seemed strongly to indicate that they considered the 
Executive to be the servant, not the master, of the 

people. 

*T. Madiou (Fils.) 



FROM HISTORICAL KOTES* ?T 

Uncovered before the Senate, President Petion 
took the following oath of fidelity to the Constitu 
tion, which had been accepted by the people, who 
were understood to be represented by the Senatorial 
body :- 

" I swear faithfully to fulfil the office of President of Hayti, 
and to maintain, to the utmost of my power, the Constitution* 

u May those arms confided to the people for the defence of 
liberty, be pointed to my breast, if ever I conceive the auda 
cious and infamous project of violating their rights ; or if ever 
I forget that it is after having punished with death a tyrant^ 
whose existence was an insult to the nation, and after having 
aided to proscribe another, whose ambition has lighted up civil 
war among us, that I now find myself President of Hayti." 

Certainly it must be admitted that, on all sides, 
true republicanism is here fully recognized, and is 
yet more completely sustained by the following 
statement, that, at the invitation of the presiding Sena 
tor, the now accepted President took his seat on his 
right hand, while the band immediately struck up 

" On pent on etre mieux, 
Q au sein de sa famille ?" * 

Joy beamed in every countenance, both among 1 
foreigners and natives, and the speeches of the Chair 
man, the Senate, and also of the President of 
Haytij were ordered to be printed. 

"With the great majority of the Republicans, the 
choice of Petion was decidedly popular. There was, 
however, one whose influence was considerable, and 
whose mortification at the loss of the great honor of 
presiding over the Republic, was the more deeply 

* Where can one happier be, 
Than in one s family ? 



78 HA.YTUN INDEPENDENCE, 

felt, because of his entire confidence that lie would 
have obtained it himself. 

Few, perhaps, had ever felt greater assurance in 
their expectation of such an honor, than had General 
Gerin and his party ; nor could anything be more de 
plorable than the fact that jealousy, with its many 
evils, should have been the result with the losing side 
in this affair, which ultimately developed itself in the 
form of a conspiracy. All, however, was useless. 
Petion was the man of the people, and it was want 
of dignity of spirit in this case to oppose him. 

The following is a comparison made by a Ilaytian 
historian, between the Constitution of the Republic 
in the west, and that of the " State " in the North :* 

In that of the " State," the Chief Magistrate commands all 
the forces, naval and military, and also could name a successor, 
but only among the generals of the army. 

In the Republic, of that day, the President at the head was 
under the control of the Senate. 

The President of the " State" was for life. 

The President of the Eepublic was for fo