<< TWENTY-TWO YEARS>> A << SLAVE>> , AND FORTY YEARS A FREE MAN, is the title of an interesting narrative by Austin Steward, of Rochester, N.Y., a colored man of intelligence and reliability. Mr. Steward, resided at one time in these Provinces - was president of the Wilberforce settlement, and his account of that place is fully corroborated by men now living here, that our readers may get an idea of the simple, unpretending, intelligible and truthful style of the work, we have thought best to give the two following extracts. The book should circulate in both countries.
Slaves are never allowed to leave the plantation to which they belong, without a written pass. Should any one venture to disobey this law, he will most likely be caught by the patrol and given thirty-nine lashes. This patrol is always on duty every Sunday, going to each plantation under their supervision, entering every slave cabin, and examining closely the conduct of the slaves; and if they find one slave from another plantation without a pass, he is immediately punished with a severe flogging.
I recollect going one Sunday with my mother, to visit my grand-mother; and while there, two or three of the patrol came and looked into the cabin, and seeing my mother demanded her pass. She told them that she had one, but left it I another cabin, from whence she soon brought it, which saved her a whipping but we were terribly frightened.

* * * *

The knowledge I have of the colored men in Canada, their strength and condition, would cause me to tremble for these United States, should a war ever ensue between the English and American governments, which I pray may never occur. These fugitives may be thought to be a class of poor, thriftless, illiterate creatures, like the Southern slaves, but it is not so. They are no longer slaves; many of whom have been many years free men, and a large number were never slaves. They are a hardy, robust class of men; very many of them, men of superior intellect; and men who feel deeply the wrongs they have endured. Driven as they have been from their native land; unportected by the government under which they were born, and would in all probability in case of a rupture, take up arms in defence of the government which has protected them and the country of their adoption. England could this day, very readily collect a regiment of stalwart coloured men, who, having felt the oppression of laws, would fight with a will not inferior to that which actuated our revolutionary forefathers.
And what inducement, I ask, have colored men to defend with their lives the United States in any case; and what is there to incite them to deeds of bravery?
Wherever men are called upon to take up armes in defence of a country, there is always a consciousness of approaching wrong and oppression, which arouses their patriotism and incites to deeds of daring. They look abroad over fields of their own cultivation they behold too, churches, schools, and various institutions, provided by their labor, for generations yet to come; they see their homes, their cherished hearthstones, about to be desecrated, and their wives and little ones, with their aged sires, exposed to the oppression of a ruthless foe. Then, with what cheerful and thrilling enthusiasm, steps forward the husband, the father, the brother, and bares his bosom to the sword, - his head to the storm of the battle field, in defence of his country's freedom, and the God given rights of himself and family! But what sees the oppressed negro? He sees a proud and haughty nation, whose Congressmen yearly meet to plot his ruin, and perpetuate his bondage! He beholds, it is true, a few Christ-like champions, who rise up with bleeding hearts to defend his cause; but while his eye kindles with grateful emotion, he sees the bludgeon of the South - already reeking in the blood of freemen - raised and ready to fall with murderous intent upon the head of any one, who, like the illustrious Sumner, dare open his mouth in defence of Freedom, or speak of the wrongs of the poor negro, and the sins of the Southern autocrat!

March 14, 1857
PROVINCIAL FREEMAN
Chatham, Canada West

TWENTY-TWO YEARS A SLAVE, AND FORTY YEARS A FREE MAN, is the title of an interesting narrative by << Austin Steward>> , of Rochester, N.Y., a colored man of intelligence and reliability. Mr. Steward, resided at one time in these Provinces - was president of the Wilberforce settlement, and his account of that place is fully corroborated by men now living here, that our readers may get an idea of the simple, unpretending, intelligible and truthful style of the work, we have thought best to give the two following extracts. The book should circulate in both countries.
Slaves are never allowed to leave the plantation to which they belong, without a written pass. Should any one venture to disobey this law, he will most likely be caught by the patrol and given thirty-nine lashes. This patrol is always on duty every Sunday, going to each plantation under their supervision, entering every slave cabin, and examining closely the conduct of the slaves; and if they find one slave from another plantation without a pass, he is immediately punished with a severe flogging.
I recollect going one Sunday with my mother, to visit my grand-mother; and while there, two or three of the patrol came and looked into the cabin, and seeing my mother demanded her pass. She told them that she had one, but left it I another cabin, from whence she soon brought it, which saved her a whipping but we were terribly frightened.

* * * *

The knowledge I have of the colored men in Canada, their strength and condition, would cause me to tremble for these United States, should a war ever ensue between the English and American governments, which I pray may never occur. These fugitives may be thought to be a class of poor, thriftless, illiterate creatures, like the Southern slaves, but it is not so. They are no longer slaves; many of whom have been many years free men, and a large number were never slaves. They are a hardy, robust class of men; very many of them, men of superior intellect; and men who feel deeply the wrongs they have endured. Driven as they have been from their native land; unportected by the government under which they were born, and would in all probability in case of a rupture, take up arms in defence of the government which has protected them and the country of their adoption. England could this day, very readily collect a regiment of stalwart coloured men, who, having felt the oppression of laws, would fight with a will not inferior to that which actuated our revolutionary forefathers.
And what inducement, I ask, have colored men to defend with their lives the United States in any case; and what is there to incite them to deeds of bravery?
Wherever men are called upon to take up armes in defence of a country, there is always a consciousness of approaching wrong and oppression, which arouses their patriotism and incites to deeds of daring. They look abroad over fields of their own cultivation they behold too, churches, schools, and various institutions, provided by their labor, for generations yet to come; they see their homes, their cherished hearthstones, about to be desecrated, and their wives and little ones, with their aged sires, exposed to the oppression of a ruthless foe. Then, with what cheerful and thrilling enthusiasm, steps forward the husband, the father, the brother, and bares his bosom to the sword, - his head to the storm of the battle field, in defence of his country's freedom, and the God given rights of himself and family! But what sees the oppressed negro? He sees a proud and haughty nation, whose Congressmen yearly meet to plot his ruin, and perpetuate his bondage! He beholds, it is true, a few Christ-like champions, who rise up with bleeding hearts to defend his cause; but while his eye kindles with grateful emotion, he sees the bludgeon of the South - already reeking in the blood of freemen - raised and ready to fall with murderous intent upon the head of any one, who, like the illustrious Sumner, dare open his mouth in defence of Freedom, or speak of the wrongs of the poor negro, and the sins of the Southern autocrat!

July 25, 1828
FREEDOM'S JOURNAL
New York, New York

LOOK AT THIS!

At a meeting of the coloured population of the village of Rochester held at the house of << Austin Steward>> , June 27, 1828, to take into consideration the propriety of celebrating the anniversary of the Abolition of African slavery, it was
Resolved, That it is not expedient to celebrate the day - and as a notice has appeared in the papers of a celebration, we think it proper to state some of our reasons for dissenting from the wishes of a few of our brethren.
First, we are poor, and it requires all the cash we can spare to pay our debts and support our families. We owe $400 for the lot on which our church is building, and there will be a deficiency of each to settle the bills of the contractor. Many of those who have subscribed towards the building have failed to make payment, and some have taken the limits to pay their subscription. These reasons induce us to believe it impolitic, if not impossible, to celebrate the day with all the pomp and ceremony that would be proper in better times, and therefore we shall stay at home and attend to our business.
<< Austin Steward>> , Albert Hagerman,
B. Baker, Wm. A. Allen,
J. Bell, R. Jones,
Isaac Gibbs, J. Green,
Charles Smith James Sharp,
John Tate, Robert Wilkins.
June 28, 1828.

May 9, 1828
FREEDOM'S JOURNAL
New York, New York

NEW HOUSE OF WORSHIP.

We are much pleased to learn from our friend, Mr. << Austin Steward>> , of Rochester, that our Coloured Brethren in that town, are proceeding in a highly commendable manner in the erection of a HOUSE OF WORSHIP and a School House for themselves. The building is 30 by 50 feet, and with the lot of ground on which it stands, will cost two thousand dollars. Eighteen hundred dollars have already been subscribed and paid, and the society being in want of six hundred more, have commissioned the Rev. William A. Allen, of Rochester, to solicit donations from our brethren and friends in these parts.

We have seen an examined Mr. Allen's credentials, and feel perfectly satisfied that the object of his journey is one which ought to recommend itself to every man of Colour; and that all monies which may be given by the charitably disposed will be faithfully applied.

April 4, 1828
FREEDOM'S JOURNAL
New York, New York

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AUTHORISED AGENTS.

Rev. S.E. CORNISH, General Agent.

Maine. - C. Stockbridge, Esq. North Yarmouth. Reuben Ruby, Portland, Me.
Massachusetts. - Mr. David Walker, Boston; Rev. Thomas Paul, do. --- Mr. John Redmond, Salem.

Connecticut. - Mr. John Shields, New Haven, Isaac Glasko, Norwich.
Rhode Island. - Mr. George C. Willis, Providence.

Pennsylvania. - Mr. Francis Webb, Philadelphia; Stephen Smith, Columbia; J.B. Vashon, Carlisle.

Maryland. - Mr. Hezekiah Grice, Baltimore.

District of Columbia. - Mr. J.W. Prout, Washington; Thomas Braddock, Alexandria.

New York. - Rev. Nathaniel Paul, Albany; R.P.G. Wright, Schenectady; << Austin Steward>> , Rochester; Rev. W.P. Williams, Flushing; George De Grass, Brooklyn, L.I.; Frederick Holland, Buffalo.

N. Jersey. - Theodore S. Wright, Princeton; James C. Cowes, New Brunswick; Mr. B.F. ughes, Newark; Leonard Scott, Trenton.

Virginia. - W.D. Baptist, Fredericksburgh; Joseph Shepherd, Richmond.

North Carolina. - Seth Henshaw, P.M. New Salem; John C. Stanley, Newbern, Lewis Sheridan, Elizabethtown.

England. - Samuel Thomas, Liverpool.
Hayti. - W.R. Gardiner, Port-au-Prince.

July 20, 1827
FREEDOM'S JOURNAL
New York, New York

SUMMARY.

Three male citizens and seven females were lately fined $25 each, in Albany for keeping disorderly houses. - The wife of the captain of the sloop Hiram, while on a sailing party near Philadelphia, on the fourth inst. was safely delivered of a boy, who added to the cries of the day. - A duel was fought on the 12th, at Pawtucket, between two foreigners. The only damage sustained, was the loss of a little flesh from the thigh of one of the parties. - The Coloured People of Rochester celebrated the abolition of slavery with becoming spirit. The Address, by Mr. << Austin Steward>> , is spoken of in high terms by the Rochester papers. - The jury have brought in a verdict of guilty against Jacob Barker and S.L. Vermilyea, and of acquittal for Matthew L. Davis. - The trial of Hugh McClanen, for the murder of Robert I. Stakes has closed. He has been found guilty of manslaughter. - A fire broke on Sunday afternoon, at No. 294 Grand street, by which abut ten houses were destroyed. - On dissection, a tumour occasioned by wearing busk or tight corset, has been found on the heart of a young lady, who died of a supposed consumption. - There are said to be more than 400 billiard tables in Philadelphia, and 300 in New York. - The Cashier of the Franklin Bank of New Jersey, requests the holders of bills on that bank not to make any sacrifice on them, as they may stand a chance of getting their money back. - Forty five million pounds of salt are annually manufactured in this state. - A coloured man was killed at Elizabeth town a few days ago, by the accidental cut of a scythe in the hands of another man who was showing his skill at mowing. - A sporting party from Waterford, Me. lately brought in 1096 Squirrels, 34 crows, 30 cranes, 8 hawks, 4 woodcocks, 1 bear, I hedge hog, 1 woodchuck. - A Mrs. Grant of Frankfort, Me. supposed to be insane, attempted the life of her husband while he lay asleep, by striking thrice on the head with an axe. She then left the house, and fled for the woods. The man is still living, and hopes are entertained of his recovery. - The question has been asked in a Kentucky paper, whether Gen. Jackson has not been engaged for many years past, in the purchase of droves of slaves in Tennessee and Kentucky, and sending them to Louisiana, and other southern markets, for sale? If it be true, it will add to the fame of the Hero of Orleans. - Cure for the Whooping Cough. - To one scruple salt of tartar and ten grains of cochineal (pulverized) add a gill of water, to be sweetened as given. - Dose for an infant, a teaspoon full four times a day, increasing the dose in proportion to age: an adult may take two table spoonsful in the same time. - P.D. Ad. -

A prisoner in the penitentiary at Richmond, cut his throat in a fit of despair. The wound is supposed not to be mortal. - A son of Mr. Elijah Howard, of Rochester, whilst bathing with other boys, got beyond his depth and was drowned. - Dr. Ira Delane, of Chilicothe, Ohio, put a period to his existence by means of laudanum.

March 17, 1854
FREDERICK DOUGLASS PAPER
Rochester, NEW YORK

To the colored citizens of Ontario County:”

Brethren! Having been summoned by the wise men among us to meet in the form of a National Convention in the city of Rochester on the 6th day of July next, for the purpose of considering the present condition of our race in this country, the wrongs which we endure, and the disabilities under which we labor, and also to adopt some plan by which our wrong can be redressed, and our race elevated upon the American soil; therefore, we assume the responsibility of inviting you to assemble in the form of a County Convention, at Canandaigus, on Monday, June 12th, at 2 o'clock p.m., for the purpose of responding to the call for and appointing delegates to represent our County in the above named Convention , and also to transact such other business as ma be legitimately brought before the Convention.

Brethren! Let us be active. Let us not slumber over our wrongs in times like these, when the most gigantic efforts are being made by the slave power to discourage and crush is, and to finally force us from our native soil!
Let us , then, arouse from our lethargy, and shake off the dust which has gathered upon the folds of our garments during the period of our inactivity and inaction, and thereby show to the world that we have still the spirit and energy of freemen ; that we are worthy of enjoying, to the fullest extent, the priceless boon of impartial freedom!
Let on portion of the colored citizens of our county be underrepresented at this Convention, but let us have a grand rally - one worthy of the great cause, the advancement of which we desire to secure.

ROBERT THOMPSON, SAMUEL JACKSON, << AUSTIN STEWARD>> , J. W. DUFFIN, J. JEFFREY, D. BLAKE, S. CONDALL, A. SLATER, JOHN BLAND, ALFRED HALEY, W. H. BINKS, JOHN BROWN, H. W. JOHNSON, JAMES KELLEY, G. HABERRY.

June 10, 1853
FREDERICK DOUGLASS PAPER
Rochester, N. Y.

To the colored citizens of Ontario County:”

Brethren! Having been summoned by the wise men among us to meet in the form of a National Convention in the city of Rochester on the 6th day of July next, for the purpose of considering the present condition of our race in this country, the wrongs which we endure, and the disabilities under which we labor, and also to adopt some plan by which our wrong can be redressed, and our race elevated upon the American soil; therefore, we assume the responsibility of inviting you to assemble in the form of a County Convention, at Canandaigus, on Monday, June 13th, at 2 o'clock p.m., for the purpose of responding to the call for and appointing delegates to represent our County in the above named Convention , and also to transact such other business as ma be legitimately brought before the Convention.

Brethren! Let us be active. Let us not slumber over our wrongs in times like these, when the most gigantic efforts are being made by the slave power to discourage and crush is, and to finally force us from our native soil!
Let us , then, arouse from our lethargy, and shake off the dust which has gathered upon the folds of our garments during the period of our inactivity and inaction, and thereby show to the world that we have still the spirit and energy of freemen ; that we are worthy of enjoying, to the fullest extent, the priceless boon of impartial freedom!
Let on portion of the colored citizens of our county be underrepresented at this Convention, but let us have a grand rally - one worthy of the great cause, the advancement of which we desire to secure.
ROBERT THOMPSON, SAMUEL JACKSON

<< AUSTIN STEWARD>> , J. W. DUFFIN,
J. JEFFREY, D. BLAKE,

S. CONDALL, A. SLATER,
JOHN BLAND, ALFRED HALEY,
W. H. BINKS, JOHN BROWN,
H. W. JOHNSON, JAMES KELLEY,
G. HABERRY.
June 6th, 1853.

May 27, 1853
FREDERICK DOUGLASS PAPER
Rochester, New York

A COLORED MANS' ELOQUENCE We make no apology of devoting two columns to the Anti-Slavery Speech of FREDERICK DOUGLASS. It will richly repay all who read it, for it is a Speech of surpassing power and eloquence.
Fugitive Slaves have a right to abhor and denounce Slavery. It is not strange that they should labor for Emancipation. Ultraism may be pardoned in those who have experienced the ills of slavery. Having escaped from bondage themselves, they would be recreant to every sentiment and sympathy of a common nature if they were indifferent to the fate of their kindred and race.
FREDERICK DOUGLASS is a remarkable and extraordinary man. There are few more gifted among us. To a powerful intellect, he adds, in an eminent degree, the graces of taste and oratory. This my surprise those who have not heard him, but if such will read his Speech without prejudice, it will be less difficult to credit our assurance of his ability. Such efforts as that we now publish, with others we have heard from the same man delivered in Congress or in Parliament, would do no discredit to the most distinguished Statesman.
And yet FREDERCIK DOUGLASS is, as he describes himself a NEGRO and until he was twenty five years old a SLAVE. He has escaped from bondage some fifteen years ago, - not ignorant, for such a mind could not be kept in ignorance but uneducated, having no advantage over other Maryland slaves.
But see what he has done for himself? See what lofty aspirations lift him up to an equality with our more favored race? And how infinitely superior, intellectually, to thousand of the favored caste on whom the advantages of fortune have been lavished and the blessings of education squandered?

But the sense of injury to his race, coupled with the personal mortification to which his color subjects him, has rendered DOUGLASS morbid. There is bitterness in his thoughts and in his words. And his associations help to poison his mind and to give an impracticable direction to his efforts. He has become therefore, a Destructive instead of a Reformed, waging a profitless warfare against existing organizations of Government, Society, Religion. If his great mind was imaged with kindlier sympathies if like GOVERNOR ROBERTS and << AUSTIN STEWARD>> , he could be content with efforts to mitigate evils that cannot be up-rooted, what a wide field for usefulness is open to him? How readily and certainly he could plant and cherish a Colony of his ransomed race in some of those beautiful islands on that Caribbean Sea to which he refers? We speak not of banishing People of Color to Liberia. That is too distant a point. But there is no more delightful residence in the world than those ever radiant and fruitful Caribbean Isles. There, everything is congenial; and there “is ample room and verge enough” for all who may voluntarily seek a residence which would exempt them from the arbitrary but unavoidable distinctions of color and caste.

-
Albany Evening Journal.

March 23, 1849
THE NORTH STAR
Rochester, New York

A LINE from our friend << Austin Steward>> , informs us that H.H. Garnet will deliver his eloquent lecture in Canandaigua, Sunday evening next, on the Past and Present Condition and Future Prospects of the Colored Race. It is a highly interesting lecture, and we hope our friend will have a large audience. - F.D.

July 13, 1839
THE COLORED AMERICAN
New York, New York

Wilberforce, U.C., March, 28th 1836.

The Board of Managers of the Wilberforce Settlement met and passed unanimously the following Resolutions. Present, << Austin Steward>> , Philip Harris, Peter Butler, William Bell, John Whitehead, Samuel Peters.

1. Resolved, - That we deeply regret the manner in which our Friends in the States have been imposed upon by Israel Lewis, and that we hereby inform them, that as a Board of Managers or otherwise, we have received less than One Hundred Dollars of all the money borrowed and collected in the States.
2. Resolved, - That although we have not received One Hundred Dollars from said Lewis, yet when we shall have received the funds collected by our Agent, the Rev. Nath. Paul, in England, for us, we will refund, as far as our abilities will allow, and our friends may require, the money contributed for our supposed benefit, by them in the States.
3. Resolved, - that we tender our sincere thanks to our beloved friends, Arthur Tappan and others, who have taken such deep interest in the welfare of our little Colony - and that we exceedingly regret, the great loss and affliction in which they have been involved, by the calamitous fire with which New York has been visited.

4. Resolved, - That the foregoing resolutions be signed by the whole Board, and sent to the States to be published in the New York Observer and other Papers.

<< AUSTIN STEWARD>> , President,
PETER BUTLER, Treasurer,
JOHN HALMES , Secretary.
PHILIP HARRIS, )

WILLIAM BELL, )Managers.

JOHN WHITEHEAD, )
SAMUEL PETERS, )

New York, April 25th, 1836.

At a Public Meeting of the Colored Citizens of New York, held in Phoenix Hall, Thomas L. Jinnings in the Chair, and Charles B. Ray, Secretary.

The following resolutions were unanimously adopted.

Resolved, - That the thanks of this Meeting be tendered to the Rev. Samuel E. Cornish, for the able and satisfactory Report of his Mission to Upper Canada, especially to the Wilberforce Settlement.

Resolved, - That this Meeting deem it their imperative duty, to announce to the Public, that in view of facts before them, Israel Lewis* has abused their confidence, wasted their benevolence, and forfeited all claim to their countenance and respect.

Resolved, - That a Committee of Ten, viz. Rev. Theodore S. Wright, Peter Ogden, T. Downing, George Potts, Charles B. Ray, David Ruggles, Jacob A. Stans, William P. Johnson, William Hamilton, and Rev. Samuel E. Cornish, be appointed to give such publicity to the foregoing resolutions; also, to the communication from the Managers of the Wilberforce Settlement, as they may deem necessary in the case.

THOMAS L. JINNINGS, Chairman,
CHARLES B. RAY, Secretary.

CIRCULAR.

New York, May 9th, 1836.

The Committee of colored citizens of the City of New York, as servants of the Public, sincerely regret the necessity of bringing the [sic] within subject before the Public. Their duty to God, to society, and to themselves, and duty only actuates them in this matter. The fact that many individuals in different sections of the country have long suspected the integrity of Israel Lewis, but possessing no authentic documentary evidence, they have been prevented, from Efforts, to counteract his too successful attempts and those of his Agents, in the collection of funds from the Public, has induced us to transmit this Circular.

T.S. WRIGHT, D. RUGGLES,
P. OGDEN, J.A. STANS,
T. DOWNING, W.P. JOHNSON,
GEO. POTTS, W. HAMILTON,
C.B. RAY, S.E. CORNISH.
__________

* It necessarily follows that the Public should withhold their money from his subordinate Agents.

This Circular contains the facts in the case, any documents he may have notwithstanding. After obtaining documentary evidence of more than $7000 collected by Lewis for the Colony, and under various pretensions. We visited Wilberforce and made thorough legal investigations on the subject. The testimony is now in the hands of Thomas Fessenden, Esq., of this city, copies of which may be obtained should they ever be necessary.

Israel Lewis is one of the most heartless, swindling impostors which ever cursed any country. No confidence should be placed in him or any of his documents.

June 2, 1838
THE COLORED AMERICAN
New York, New York

Rochester, April 24, 1838.

DEAR BROTHER: -

I take the present opportunity to write you by S.B. Treadwell, Esq., whom I would most earnestly recommend to your favorable consideration, as a devoted friend to the cause of the oppressed, despised and degraded colored man - one who regards it a privilege at all times to beard the lion (Slavery) in his den, and who is doing something to remove that most implacable foe to colored Americans, the sin of prejudice. Mr. Treadwell visits your city for the purpose of publishing a work entitled "The Flower and Liberty of America."

Thanks be to God, I thing I can see the branches of the great Bohon Upas (American Slavery) begin to wither and die, from the many well-directed efforts of our numerous friends, to extirpate it, root and branch, from the American soil.

My dear sir, I am happy to perceive, that among the many ways designed to liberate the oppressed slave, and elevate the down trodden colored man, your efficient Journal, the "Colored American," occupies a very conspicuous place; and I hope it will continue to exist for ages to come. It ought to be found in the hands of every colored man, and also in the possession of every friend of universal emancipation.

I think that our conduct as colored men will have a great bearing on the question that now agitates this land. We should be careful not to lay dead weights in the way of our friends; but we should pray to God that He would strengthen the hands of our friends, and turn all their efforts to the promotion of the cause of truth and justice. All colored persons should be industrious, live economically, look well to the education of their children, &c. - Let it be shown that we as a people are religious, industrious, sober, honest and intelligent, and my word for it, the accursed system of Slavery will fall, as did Satan from Heaven. As well might Xerxes attempt to fetter the mighty Ocean, as for the demagogues to endeavor still to enslave a people in such circumstances.

My best respects to all the friends in your place, and my best wishes for yourself and family.

<< AUSTIN STEWARD>> .

P.S. - I enclose you $5, as a small might toward the support of the PRESS - that mighty engine to pull down the strong holds of tyranny and oppression. A.S.

January 25, 1834
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 4 No. 4

Letters received at this Office since our last paper.

R.E. Cutler, Exeter, N.H.; Nathan Johnson, New-Bedford, Mass.; William Brewer, Wilejesbarre, Pa.; << Austin Steward>> , Wilberforce, U.C. Arnold Buffum, Philadelphia do.; A.M. Reed, Salem, Mass.; C.W. Denison, New-York city; Peter Spicer, Westminster, Ct.; Oliver J. Eells, Cornwall, Vt.: Richard P. Waters, Salem, Mass.

April 6, 1833
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 3 No. 14

<< Austin Steward>> and his friends, in Wilberforce, U.C. shall be heard next week.

April 13, 1833
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 3 No. 15

WILBERFORCE, March, 1833.

FRIEND GARRISON&#151 We saw in your paper a publication signed by the notorious Israel Lewis, in which he calls the lawfully constituted Board of Managers of this Colony, 'a few disaffected men of the Colony.' Sir if you knew one half of the baseness of character of that Israel Lewis, you never would have admitted into your paper, which may emphatically be called the guardian of the black man, his libellous publication. In order that you may judge of the correctness of his statement, we shall send herewith the proceedings of a public meeting. It is at all times painful to us as a people, poor and despised as we are, and struggling for existence, to be called upon to record acts of unfaithfulness in those of our own color. But we have no other alternative left; we are compelled to go forward and publish Lewis' conduct to the world; and this we do out of no personal enmity, but as a duty we owe to this infant settlement, and also to our numerous friends every where, and, in so doing, we believe we have taken the only safe and sure path. The inhabitants of Wilberforce, are peaceable, industrious and happy, with a few exceptions; and they say by their votes that Israel Lewis should be removed from the Agency of this Colony, and that for good cause.

1. Israel Lewis never has rendered a satisfactory account for the money that he has received to relieve the wants of our poor, but has spent it in the most prodigal manner at the taverns and other public houses.

2. He has run into debt wherever he could, without, in our opinion, any reasonable probability of paying, and thereby brought a reproach upon us as a people.

3. Israel Lewis, who ought to be the guardian and protector of his colored brethren, is the first to cheat them in order that he may live in idleness; and to effect this, he will stop at nothing, no matter how base! how ungenerous! how unrighteous!

Israel Lewis would be glad to make the public believe that he is doing every thing in his power for the benefit of his colored brethren. Indeed, friend Garrison, to hear Lewis talk about exerting himself for an injured people, reminds us of the Devil chiding sin.

Let us review the ground, and see what this mighty man Lewis has done for his much oppressed colored brethren. Has he bought any land in Wilberforce? We answer, no&#151 not one foot. Has Israel Lewis founded any schools at Wilberforce with the thousands of dollars he has drawn out of a generous public in the States? We answer, no. What then has he done of such great importance for the colored people? We answer, he has collected money and basely squandered it away; and shut the door where good might have been done for our colored friends.

Resolved, That the conduct of Israel Lewis is disgraceful in the extreme, in pretending that there is no Board of Managers at Wilberforce.

Resolved, That we know that all that Lewis has published is so completely void of truth, that it needs no refutation where he is known.

Resolved, That the foregoing, together with these resolutions, be sent on to Messrs. Garrison and Knapp, to be inserted in the Liberator.

<< AUSTIN>> , << STEWARD>> , Chairman,

JOSEPH TAYLOR, Secretary.

PHILLIP HARRIS, JNO. WHITEHEAD, WM. BELL, PETER BUTLER, SAMUEL PETERSON.

April 13, 1833
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 3 No. 15

Whereas, a settlement has recently been formed in the District of London, in the province of Upper Canada, called the Wilberforce Settlement, which settlement is intended as an asylum for persons of color, who may be enabled to emigrate from the United States of America&#151

And whereas, the said settlement now consists of nearly 200 persons who, in the month of July last, elected a Board for the management of its affairs, and the adoption of such measures as might be deemed expedient for the support, maintenance and respectability of the said Settlement&#151

And whereas the said Board, having full power so to do, did nominate, constitute and appoint Israel Lewis as Agent to the Settlement, with power and authority to solicit subscriptions and contributions for the said Settlement, from all persons desirous of promoting the cause of universal emancipation&#151

And whereas, the said Board, having good cause to suppose that the said Israel Lewis hath not faithfully discharged the trust reposed in him by the said Board, have now dismissed him from the Agency aforesaid, and have in his stead appointed the Rev. James Sharpe to do and perform all duties which by virtue of the appointment aforesaid, did appertain to the office of Agent in the person of the aforesaid Lewis&#151

Now know all men by these presents, that I, << Austin Steward>> , Chairman of the said Board of Management, having power and authority so to do, do nominate constitute and appoint the said Rev. James Sharp to fill the office of Agent for the said Settlement, with full power and authority to solicit from the humane and benevolent such contributions as they may feel disposed to make, in order to enable the said Settlement to build a place of worship, erect and endow schools, and relieve the needy and destitute among them. And whatever this my said Agent shall do in the premises, (the settlement having full faith and confidence in him,) shall have the same force and effect in law and equity as if I, as chairman of the said Board, were personally present.

In testimony whereof, I do hereunto set my hand, and affix my seal, at London, in the District of London, and Province of Upper Canada, in presence of the undersigned witnesses. Signed, sealed and delivered in presence of Edward Allen Talbot and Ross Robertson, at London aforesaid, this
twenty-ninth day of May in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-two.

A. STEWARD.

E.A. TALBOT, J.P.
ROSS ROBERTSON.
London District, U.C.

April 13, 1833
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 3 No. 15

W.K.C. BE IT REMEMBERED that on this twenty-ninth day of May, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-two, personally came before me William King Cornish Esquire, Notary Public, in and for the Province of Upper Canada, at my Office in London, << Austin Steward>> in the annexed power of Attorney or Instrument in writing (a word not legible) and he did acknowledge the same to be his, voluntary act and deed, by him executed for the purpose therein contained, and I certify that the subscribing witnesses, Edward Allen Talbot Esquire and Ross Robinson Esquire are personally known to me.

Given under my hand and Office Seal, at London, aforesaid, the day and year above written.

WM. K. CORNISH, Notary Public, U.C.

I assert the above to be a true copy of the power of Attorney or Instrument in writing, produced before me by Rev. James Sharpe, the within mentioned Agent.

WILLIAM THACHER, Methodist Minister,

Stationed in Charge of the M.E. Church in Poeuglikeepsie.

The sealed Instruments of A. Steward and W.K. Cornish, Esq. were united by a wafer seal, W.T. The following is endorsed on the above copied documents, viz:&#151

'Power of Attorney from << Austin Steward>> , Chairman of the Wilberforce Settlement Society. To the Rev. James Sharp, Agent of the said Society.' W.T.

April 13, 1833
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 3 No. 15

WILBERFORCE, U.C., March 11, 1833.

DEAR FRIEND GARRISON&#151 I have this day attended a meeting which was called by a part of the settlers, whose aim, I believe, was to destroy this infant colony. Believing it to be my duty to God and to man, to expose the proceedings of this meeting, I hasten to do it. It was called when some of the most enlightened settlers were absent. Neither the chairman nor secretary of this meeting could write his own name. There were seven settlers present, besides the Board of Managers, and they were the most ignorant part, << Austin Steward>> was at the head of this meeting. The reason of Steward's proceeding as he has done, is on account of a domestic quarrel between Lewis and him; the grand-jury having found a bill against him. Having the good of the settlement at heart, and knowing that these quarrels are not calculated to promote our interests, but to destroy us, I hazard nothing in saying it is against the will of the most enlightened part of the settlers that the doings of this day should be published. There is a meeting now called to counteract the doings of yesterday. The Colonization Society are looking upon us with a jealous and suspicious eye, and are ready to take the life of you and others who have taken our part. I am at a loss to express my feelings at seeing the base and slanderous publications in your paper, against some of my brethren of color, knowing we have enough to contend with, without making ourselves a public example, by being engaged in a domestic warfare. You are aware that the Rev. Nathaniel Paul is now in England, soliciting aid for this Colony, who is one of the main pillars of it. Had it not been for the exertions of him and others, this colony must have perished. No man has been living here longer than myself, nor has any one more love for the settlement than I have. I pledge myself in this article to you and the rest of our friends, never to abandon what we have been here so long contending for. My object is peace and union, which is the glory of mankind. Please to delay the publication at least until you hear from me again, which will be shortly. By so doing you will oblige your humble servant and the enlightened part of this community.

I am, Sir, your most humble and obedient servant,

FRANCIS W. SMITH.

March 30, 1833
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 3 No. 13

List of Letters received at the office of the Liberator, since our last paper was issued.

<< Austin Steward>> , Wilberforce, U.C.; Philip Harris, do. do.; Francis W. Smith, do. do.; Rev. Wm. Thacher, Poughkeepsie, N.Y.; Nathan Blount, do. do.; Arthur Tappan, N. York city; John Loan, Pottsville, Pa.; Robert Purvis, Philadelphia, Pa.; Rev. George Bourne, New-York city; V.E. Dickson, Portland, Me.; George Hezlep Gustavus, Ohio; Samuel Lewis, Harrisville, Ohio; Evan Lewis, Philadelphia, Pa.; C.L. Remond, Salem, Mass.; E.A. Brewer, Providence, R.I.; P. Crandall, Canterbury, Ct.; Joseph Cassey, Philadelphia, Pa.; A.H. Safford, Lowell, Mass.; C. Stuart, Liverpool, (Eng.); George L. Brown, Utica, N.Y.; Joshua Coffin, North Bridgewater, Mass.; John Masters, Bath, Me.; John Taylor, do. do.; Abel Harwood, North Brookfield, Mass.; Philip A. Bell,
New-York.

March 9, 1833
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 3 No. 10

MISCELLANEOUS.

ISRAEL LEWIS.

We do not feel at liberty to withhold the following article, however fatal it may prove to the individual at whom it is aimed. Our own knowledge of << AUSTIN STEWARD>> , (whose industry, intelligence and philanthropy are an honor to his unfortunate race,) and our confidence in the accuracy of any statement made by the Editor of the Niagara Courier, abundantly satisfies us that ISRAEL LEWIS is not the authorised Agent of the WILBERFORCE COLONY.

We would not, willingly, place a straw in the way of those enterprising Africans who are laboring to meliorate the conditions of their much wronged brethren. But it is the duty of all&#151 and more especially of the Press&#151 to endeavor to give the right direction to every farthing of the funds designed to aid the cause of African Colonization.&#151 Albany Journal.

(From the Niagara Courier.)

TO THE PUBLIC.

A few weeks since, we inserted a notice from the Managers of the Wilberforce Colony, of Colored People in Upper Canada, cautioning the public against paying any moneys, intended for the use of that settlement, to Israel Lewis, the former Agent, as he has been removed, and another appointed in his place. Since the publication of this notice, we have seen a paragraph in the Utica Elucidator, contradicting that statement, and representing Lewis as still the Agent of the Colony, and withal a much persecuted man. The tenor of the paragraph also inclines us to suspect that Lewis is still continuing to collect moneys ostensibly for the use of that interesting settlement.

In view of the facts above alluded to, we deemed it our duty to make enquiries respecting the whole subject, and we give below the
result&#151 premising that the statement rests on the authority of << Austin Steward>> , a colored man of the first respectability, well known in Rochester, where he resided a number of years, as a man of integrity and property. He is President of the Board of Managers of the Wilberforce Colony&#151 and was so when Lewis was appointed agent.

It seems, from the information which we have obtained, that Lewis's management and neglect to account in detail for many collections, and his refusal to pay over moneys contributed for the use of the Colony, created much dissatisfaction, and would have caused his removal from the Agency the year previous to the time it actually took place, but for the interposition of Mr. Steward. Lewis then pledged himself to reform and to account honorably for all moneys received by him&#151 and accordingly the disaffected members of the colony agreed to overlook the errors which they supposed him to have committed. He received new vouchers, and again went on a mission. The result was the same. He did not account for the moneys he received, and the Colony came to the determination to dismiss him. He was dismissed, and the Rev. JAMES SHARPE, a man of sterling integrity and economical habits, appointed in his place. But Lewis refused to surrender the vouchers which had been given him on his promise of reformation&#151 and with these, we suppose, he is practising his deceptions upon the benevolent. But we state it as a fact, for the benefit of the public, and to guard against their being cheated, that Israel Lewis is not now, and has not for a long time past, been an agent, in any shape, for the Wilberforce Colony of Upper Canada&#151 and request editors generally to make known this fact, that the public may not be imposed upon.

In making this statement, justice requires we should state another fact, which is, that a few members of the Colony have constituted Lewis their Agent to issue and sell certificates of stock for an Academy. So far as he acts in this capacity, he is certainly duly authorised: but he is not the Agent of the Wilberforce Colony&#151 and as an act of justice to worthy colored people, who are endeavoring to form a settlement in Canada, whither the persecuted of their race may bend their steps, we request such papers as may have given Lewis's statement a place in their columns, to give this positive contradiction an insertion also. If Lewis confines himself to the collection of funds to erect an Academy, he is certainly not chargeable with a
fraud&#151 but he has no other authority to pass himself off as an agent of the colony, than the vouchers which he improperly and illegally refused to give up, when he was superseded by a new agent. The public should note the distinction here pointed out.

In making this statement, we have no other object in view, than to guard the benevolent against imposition, and to aid a praiseworthy undertaking. We would insinuate no other charges against Lewis than those plainly noted above. He may be strictly honest&#151 but at the same time it must be stated, that he is wasteful and extravagant in the extreme, and seems not to know the value of money.

Cazenovia, Jan. 26, 1833.

TO THE PUBLIC.

I have just seen an article in the Rochester Anti-Masonic Inquirer of the 22d inst. signed by << Austin Steward>> , and others, of the Wilberforce Colony, declaring themselves to be the Board of Managers of the legitimate affairs of that colony. This is not the first article that has been published by that undiscerning band of wicked men. I would have said something to confute the wickedness of that party before now; but knowing that a controversy among ourselves would go to retard our progress, I have heretofore refrained from saying any thing in public print, in a party way. But in justice to the Wilberforce Colony, which I had the honor to plant, I will make a few remarks on the causes which have induced << Austin Steward>> and his unprincipled band to pursue the course that he has. To be sure, it is painful for me to state acts of the kind about my own color; but necessity compels me to do so.

One year after I had planted the Wilberforce Colony, and commenced travelling for the purpose of getting aid for the Colony, I went to Rochester where this << Austin Steward>> lived. He was recommended to me as a man of color supporting a fair character. I induced him to go to Wilberforce, and there got him in as one of the Board of Managers&#151 took him into my house to live with me until he could get a home, knowing that he supported a good name where he came from. Some time in the course of the season, I lost a twenty dollar note of hand out of my house, which I found some time afterwards in the hands of a man, who said he got it of << Austin Steward>> . I presented Steward to the grand jury, who have found a bill against him for felony, to be tried at the court of kings bench in August next. This is one of the reasons that this man Steward is publishing his incendiary publications. In the article which appeared in the Rochester paper, it is stated that I have refused to submit monies collected by me, to him and others to distribute. This I do not deny, having the right to do so, guaranteed to me by the original board of managers. I feel myself quite responsible for all my acts, so far as they relate to that Colony. I will add by saying, there is no man of color living in the Wilberforce Colony by the name of Sharpe, which the article seemed to say was an agent for the Colony. Nor neither do I recognize any board of managers but the one I belong to. I would say more; but knowing that all we say, not tending to unite, is so much wrong in most instances. There is one thing that gives me some satisfaction; that is, discerning men know that in all great undertakings like this, those engaged in them must be more or less persecuted; more especially when they stand in the midst of an ignorant people, coming from different sections of the country, under different views, and with different habits. A tight rein is the best to manage the affairs of such a people, under such circumstances.

ISRAEL LEWIS,

President and Agent of
Wilberforce Colonization Company.

It is hoped that those editors who publish the article from the Rochester paper, will, as an act of justice, copy this reply.

February 23, 1833
THE LIBERATOR
Boston, Massachusetts, Volume 3 No. 8

PAOLA BROWN&#151 ISRAEL LEWIS. We are disquieted by the serious charges which are brought against these individuals. Whether they are true or false, we cannot at this distance, and with our present information, determine. Agreeably to his request, we have inserted in the preceding page the defence of Mr. Lewis: it will speak for itself. With << Austin Steward>> , whom he assails so pointedly, we are not personally acquainted; but we have always heard him spoken of in the highest terms&#151 nor can we believe he is a bad man without further evidence. Our much respected friend, the Rev. Benjamin Paul, is requested to send us a true statement of facts, in relation to these unhappy difficulties, for publication in the Liberator.

WILBERFORCE COLONY.

It will be seen by the following official document, that the Colony having lost their confidence in their former agent, Israel Lewis, have discharged him; and have appointed in his stead the Rev. James Sharp, in whom they have full confidence.

CAUTION TO THE PUBLIC.

The Board of Managers of the Wilberforce Colony, of Colored People in Upper Canada, in justice to the public and as a protection for the Colony, would caution our friends against paying to Israel Lewis, our former Agent, any money or effects for the benefit of said Colony.

We are compelled to take this step, as Israel Lewis has refused to account for the money, generously contributed by the public for our better...., been removed from the Agency of the Colony, having by his extravagance, and refusal to account for the funds placed in his hands to relieve our wants, forfeited every claim to our confidence. Having refused to give up to the Board, the papers authorizing him to act as our agent, and believing that he is now practising a deception upon our friends in the United States, by taking up donations, pretending that such gifts will be faithfully applied to our relief, it becomes necessary, however painful it may be, to make this public expose and caution.

The Board of Managers, therefore, respectfully request the friends of the Colored People, and particularly of this Colony, to withhold from Israel Lewis the aid they may feel disposed to bestow. We have appointed the Rev. James Sharp, Agent, in whose honest and established good character, the public may place the fullest confidence.&#151 Any donations committed to his charge will be faithfully applied, in relieving our needy Colored People, in establishing schools, and in improving the condition of the Colony generally.

<< Austin Steward>> ,John Whitehead,

Philip Harris,William Bell,

Peter Harris,Joseph Taylor,

Samuel Peterson,

Board of Managers.

Wilberforce, U.C. Dec. 25, 1832.

Editors of papers will please to copy the above.

MISCELLANEOUS.

IMPROVEMENTS AMONG COLORED

PEOPLE.

We copy the following interesting article from the Rochester Observer. A correspondent of that paper says:

In passing through the African settlement in the township of Biddulph, known by the name of Wilberforce, I was much pleased to observe the exertions making among them to rise above prejudice and slavery. Judging from what I saw while there, I am of the opinion that this colony will ere long, convince the enemies of the African race, of having spoken wrong concerning them. So far as it relates to their indisposition for improvement and the higher circles of civilized life, I am ready to say that I saw a disposition in these colonists to raise themselves to the dignity of men and citizens&#151 such a disposition and desire to elevate their character, as will induce the children of Shem to acknowledge their cousins the children of Ham. They have a prosperous day school, consisting of 20 or 30 children, who attend every day, decently clad. The instructor of this school is Miss. P. the daughter of Rev. Mr. P. of New-York, whose character, ability and virtue will qualify her for her station.

On the Sabbath there are two sermons preached, one by Rev. Mr. Paul, and the other by Rev. Enos Adams. Sabbath afternoon there is a Sabbath School, superintended by Mr. << Austin Steward>> , late of Rochester. All ages attend the Sabbath school, and manifest great eagerness to receive religious instruction.

The exertions which this company of despised blacks are making to raise themselves from their degraded situation, claim the sympathies and aid of christians and philanthropists in their behalf. Like all other people, when engaged in any good cause, and moved to complete it from the best motives, they have no disposition to faint by the way.

COLONY IN UPPER CANADA.

The Rev. Nathaniel Paul agent of the Wilberforce settlement in Canada, and formerly pastor of the African Baptist Church in this city, arrived here on Wednesday, the 10th Aug. bringing with him letters of instruction and other credentials, authorizing him to visit Great Britain, to solicit such aid as may be conducive to the prosperity and future welfare of that infant settlement. Mr. Paul's papers were signed by his Excellency the Lieut. Governor. The information received from the above gentleman was truly gratifying, and it is to be hoped that the friends to that and every other good cause, will assist him in his philanthropic exertions, so requisite to the immediate prosecution of his mission abroad. The state of affairs in the settlement may be seen from the communication in this number from the above place. Editors friendly to the above-mentioned settlement, will please give the communication an insertion in their papers.&#151 Albany African Sentinel.

WILBERFORCE SETTLEMENT, U.C.

Mr. Editor&#151 It will no doubt be gratifying to our friends who in different parts of the state of New-York and elsewhere, have taken an interest in our welfare, and have aided as in effecting this infant settlement, to hear from us, to know how we are getting along; we therefore beg the favor of communicating to them, through the medium of your very useful paper, a short account of our affairs: Through the blessing of God, we have all enjoyed our usual degree of health. We have erected for our accommodations comfortable log buildings, and have a portion of our land in a state of cultivation; our crops at present continue to smile upon the labor of our hands; we shall raise the present year nearly enough to supply the present number of settlers. The people are industrious, and well pleased with their present location; and it is believed that none of them could be hired to go back to the states. Two religious societies have been organized, one of the Baptist, under the pastoral care of Elder Nathaniel Paul, and the other of the Methodist, under the care of Elder Enos Adams; and we are happy to add, that the utmost degree of harmony exists between the two churches. A sabbath school, under the superintendence of Mr. << Austin Steward>> , late of Rochester, is in successful operation; and a day school for the instruction of the children, is taught by a daughter of Elder Benjamin Paul, late of the city of New-York; and in addition to which, a temperance society has been formed, consisting of about thirty in number; and the voice of the people is decidedly against ardent spirits ever being introduced as an article of merchandise among us. There are, however, a number of families who have emigrated from the states, whose pecuniary circumstances will not admit of their coming at present to join us, but are compelled to take lands in the neighboring settlements upon shares, and hundreds more in the states are longing to join us, but on account of their limited means are not able to carry their designs into effect. We feel grateful for past favors, but will not the eye of the Philanthropist be turned toward their condition, and his hand opened to supply their wants, that they may thereby be enabled to join their brethren, to help forward one of the most noble enterprises that ever was started, to elevate the too long degraded African, this side the Atlantie?

The annual election of the board of Managers, whose duty it is to appoint agents, and to take the oversight of the general concerns of the settlement, took place July 11th, when the following persons were duly elected:&#151 << Austin Steward>> , Benjamin Paul, Enos Adams, William Bell, Philip Harris, Abraham Dangerfield, Simon Wyatt. The newly elected board, considering the limited means of the colored people generally, and the absolute necessity of pecuniary aid, and in order to carry so desirable an object into effect, and to secure its permanent character, have re-appointed Mr. Israel Lewis their agent to obtain collections in the states, and the Rev. Nathaniel Paul, late of Albany, whose standing as a minister of the gospel, and whose devotedness to the cause of his colored brethren, are too well known to need any recommendation from us, to embark for England, for the same purpose. He will probably sail as soon as the necessary means shall be obtained to defray the expense of his voyage&#151 and should a kind Providence smile upon the exertions of our agents we have no doubt but in the course of a few years, that this settlement will present to the public such a state of things as will cheer the heart of every well wisher of the African race, and put to silence the clamor of their violent enemies.

By order and in behalf of the Board.

<< AUSTIN STEWARD>> , Chairman.

BENJAMIN PAUL, Secretary.

CONVENTION AT GENEVA.
---

GENEVA, December 16, 1853

The Convention met agreeable to notice in the First Baptist Church. The meeting was called to order by the Rev. Daniel Blake of Canandaigua. On motion, Austin Seward of the same place was appointed chairman, pro tem, and J. W. Duffin Secretary. The meeting was opened by prayer by the Rev. Blake.
On motion H. W. Johnson, of Canandaigua, G. W. Fisher of Geneva, and J. E. Brown of Elmira were appointed a committee on organization. On motion, Messrs. Duffy of Geneva, Johnson and Blake of Canandaigua, Brown of Elmira and Demon of Waterloo, were appointed a business committee. On mention, Robert Thompson was appointed a committee on the roll. Moved that the Convention adjourn until two o'clock this afternoon.

AFTERNOON SESSION.

The Convention met at 2 o'clock and was opened by a prayer for Elder Durby of Geneva. The report for officers was read and accepted. President, << Austin Steward>> ; Vice Presidents, Mrs. M. A. Jeffrey, Geneva, G. Jackson, Waterloo; Secretary, Miss Barbara A. Steward, Canandaigua. A Society was then formed auxiliary to the National Council to aid in carrying out its measures.
The Constitution was ready by J. W. Duffin of Geneva and adopted. President Rev. David Blake Canandaigua, ist Vice President, Samuel Condal, Geneva; 2nd Vice President James E. Brown, Elmira; recording Secretary, H. W. Johnson, Corresponding Secretary, George W. Allen; Treasurer, Mrs. M. A. Jeffrey, Geneva, Committee of Management, Canandaigua, << Austin Steward>> , Chairman, R. Thompson, W. Duffin, Geneva, James E. Brown, Elmira, George W. Fisher, Geneva, George Jackson, Waterloo.

EVENING SESSION.
---

The Convention met at seven o'clock. - Opened by prayer from Rev. David Blake. The report was read by the Secretary, which was adopted. resolutions were then offered by J. W. Duffin, which were adopted. several speeches were then made.

CONSTITUTION.
---

ARTICLE 1.
This Society shall be called the union Council.
ARTICLE 2.
The object of this Society shall be to aid in carrying out the plans adopted at the National Convention, for improving and elevating the condition of our people.'
ARTICLE 3.
The officers of this Council shall consist of a President, two Vice Presidents, a Recording Secretary and a Corresponding Secretary, a Treasurer of Committee of seven, all of whom are to be chosen annually.
ARTICLE 4.
The council shall embrace the countries of Ontario, Yates, Seneca, Cayuga, Wayne and Chemung. Persons becoming members, shall contribute fifty two cents per year.
ARTICLE 5.
The committee of management shall collect and report from time to time, the condition of the people of color in the district such as the amount of property possessed by them, the number of those engaged in agricultural pursuits, the number of acres cultivated and the amount of produce raised by them, the number engages in various mechanical pursuits, ad their different trades, a list of their churches and schools, and the value of public property owned by them.
ARTICLE 6.
This Society shall hold fairs from time to time, for the exhibition and sale of products art and skill of or people. The time and place of such exhibitions to be under the discretion of the committee of management.
ARTICLE 7.
This Constitution may be altered and amended at any annual meeting, by a vote of two thirds of the members present.
ARTICLE 8.
The regular meetings of this Council shall e held one on six months, at such place as the committee shall designate.

Resolved. That a committee of one for each town in the district be appointed to canvass and collect the information called for in Article 6 and report to the chairman of the committee of Management - in Ontario county, David Blake; Yates county, H. H. Garner; Seneca county, George Jackson, Thomas James; Cayuga country, Rev. W. Cromwell; Wayne county, P. B. Gee; Chemung county, J. E. Brown, George Cooper.
Resolved. That the proceedings of the National Convention, together with the Constitution, be put in the hands of every colored family in the district.
Resolved. That a vote of thanks be given to the officers for their faithfulness in discharging their duties.
Resolved. That a vote of thanks be given to the trustees of this house, for their kindness in furnishing it for the sue of this Convention.
Resolved. That a vote of thanks be given to Miss Steward, Messrs. Thompson and Holley, for their able and eloquent addresses this evening.
Resolved. That the proceedings of this Convention be published in Frederick Douglass Paper.

BARBARA A. STEWARD. Secretary.

WILBERFORCE COLONY.

WILBERFORCE, March 12, 1833.

MESSRS. GARRISON AND KNAPP&#151 I saw in your Journal of the Times a communication to the public, signed by one Israel Lewis, and first published by the Republican Monitor of Cazenovia. Were the true character of that Israe Lewis well known by all who may chance to read his false representations, I should never have taken up the pen to answer them much less have troubled you with these few lines&#151 you who are advocating the most holy cause that falls to the lot of man. I say your excellent paper may be more profitably employed in pleading the cause of thousands who cannot, who dare not speak for themselves. But the very cause which you are advocating requires me to answer those base falsehoods. It is a duty that I owe my numerous friends&#151 it is a duty I owe the friends of this Colony&#151 and last, but not least, it is a duty I owe my family and myself.

Some time in the spring of 1830, I received several communications from Mr. James C. Brown and others, relative to a settlement for colored people in Canada. I resolved to visit the place of the contemplated settlement. While I was preparing for the journey, who should arrive in Rochester but Israel Lewis. He introduced himself to me as Agent for the colored people in Ohio. I always being willing to accommodate my colored friends, took this Lewis to my house, and treated him with the urbanity of a colored man. He then made known to me his want of money, and by my influence he got up a subscription both among the white and colored friends, which amounted to something like $100. While we were preparing to start to Canada, Messrs. Hickman and Ross arrived, bound for the same place. We made the necessary preparation, and started for Canada. We arrived at London, about twelve miles from the Huron tract. We fell in with Mr. James C. Brown and Mr. Stephen Dutton. Said Brown was the President of the Ohio Board. The greatest difficulty arose between Brown and Lewis&#151 Brown could not get Lewis to account for monies that he had received, and L. borrowed a pistol and declared that he would shoot Brown, but we persuaded him from doing so. We all met on the ground that is now called. Wilberforce. We organized a meeting and proceeded to business; and among other things, the question came up, what the name of the settlement should be. I being sensible of the great exertions that Mr. Wilberforce had made in behalf of our colored brethren, moved the settlement be called after him, and it was carried without a dissenting voice. I then returned home to arrange my business, and prepare to move to Wilberforce. During this year, there came on a number of emigrants from the city of Boston, which are the bone and sinew of the settlement. In May, 1831, I set out for Wilberforce; and on my arrival, I found things in the most unsettled state&#151 the inhabitants, I believe, to a man, were opposed to Lewis. I had made a partial bargain for a house with a Mr. Charles Jackson, which was about two miles from where Lewis then lived. Lewis entreated me to go and live in his house. I took a lease of it at one dollar per week, but did not live in it more than a year; for I found that I had got into bad company, and I was glad to get away as soon as I could. When I first took the house, I took Lewis and a woman that I then supposed to be his wife, to board with me. The house that Lewis had possession of, is built on lands owned by Mr. Wm. Bell, for Lewis does not own one foot of land in the Colony, to my knowledge. I have above stated, the settlers were arrayed against Lewis, with the Rev. Nathaniel Paul at their head, trying to get a settlement with Lewis, but they could not. He could not or would not exhibit a fair account. If books were shown, some of the leaves would be missing. Common report says of his subscription books, he burnt them, for fear we would know the amount of money collected. What to do in this dilemma we knew not. We had come to this place to build an asylum for our oppressed brethren; and should what money Lewis had collected defeat the grand object? I folded my arms and surveyed North America from the gulf of St. Lawrence to the gulf of Mexico. I saw no resting place for the black man, where he could have all the political and religious liberty that rational intelligent creatures are entitled to. Prejudice, insatiable prejudice&#151 had sunk deep into the hearts of the American people. I saw the operations of the American people. I saw the operations of the American Colonization Society&#151 it was taking off a few hundred of my oppressed countrymen, and transplanting them on the inhospitable shores of Africa! where before the earth had performed her annual circuit, they would be consigned to an untimely grave. I turned my mind from the heart-sickening scene again to the affairs of Wilberforce, resolving to overlook the imperfections of the past as respects Israel Lewis, and see if we could not show a settlement worthy of the liberal patronage that it had received from the state of New-York. Lewis at the same time promised that he would do the best that he could for the Colony.

About this time there appeared a publication in the papers, cautioning the public against the impositions of Lewis, from the Ohio Board who had appointed him, and a notice of his removal. Frederick Storer, a man who belongs to the much respected Society of Friends, had been looking on and saw that the ways of Lewis were perverse and wicked. He, F. Storer, gave publicity to the above publication. L. then commenced a suit against F.S. for defamation, and he, L. agreed to discontinue the suit before I would consent to his appointment. The conduct of L. towards Friend F.S. must be mortifying to every colored man.

I then went to work establishing schools&#151 one Sunday school&#151 one day
school&#151 one temperance society. L. after his appointment went to the States and borrowed of our friends $700, expressly as Agent, and for the immediate use of the Colony. When he returned home, did he pay over the money as he was in duty bound to do? No, not one dollar did he pay over to the Board. I then made known to L. my disapprobation of the course he was pursuing, and told him if he adhered to it, I must oppose him as Agent.

Here is the commencement of the difficulty between L. and myself in Oct. 1831.

When L. was about starting to the States, a man by the name of Cole held a note of hand against L. for twenty dollars, which he told L. must be paid, or he would stop him. L. came to me with said Cole, and requested me to take up said note, and he would pay me the money for the same. That satisfied said Cole. L. went off to the States on the 13th day of Oct. I paid Mr. Cole the twenty dollars for the note, and took it into my possession as my property, of course, and kept it until May last. Same time in March, 1832, when our much respected friend, B. Lundy, visited our settlement, the people called a general meeting of the inhabitants in order to pay their respects to that truly philanthropic individual. After the meeting was organized, they reviewed the conduct of L -----, passed resolutions against him, declared his agency of no benefit to the Colony, and directed the Board of Managers to discharge him. L. returned home in a great rage, and declared that he would cut the throats of the Board of Managers. Mr. B. Paul took me aside and told me that I had better let the Board of Managers go down, and assigned as a reason, that L. was so enraged, that he did not know what he, (L.) might be led to do. I answered that I was placed there to guard the public interest, and I should do so, let the consequences be what they might. We tried to get a settlement with L., but to no purpose. L. refused to give up the papers that he received from the Board, and they directed me, as chairman of the Board, to publish him as no longer Agent. Then it was that L. was determined to ruin me, because he knew that I was favorably known, and what I wrote was likely to be believed. He resolved to destroy my character, even if he had to resort to false swearing to do it. He was apprised of my intended journey to Rochester, where his true conduct would be known. As I have before stated, I tried to get a settlement with him before I left home, and I put off my intended journey a week or two longer for that purpose; but to no effect. I at last started for Rochester. I got sixteen miles on my journey, where I had some business to transact for the Colony, such as giving the Rev. James Sharpe, our newly appointed Agent, his credentials. L. was there. As soon as he saw his successor clothed with the necessary power to prosecute the object of his mission, he (L.) made oath that I was indebted to him for the sum of one hundred and sixty dollars, and had me arrested as an absconding debtor, thinking that my short acquaintance would prevent my giving sufficient bail; but in that he was disappointed. I declared the oath that L. took, wherein he swore that I owed him $160, to be a falsehood. It has been since tried by twelve men as Jurors of the country, and I got judgment against him. He (L.) then swore that I owed him $70&#151 $50, for rent and $20 for that note, which, it will be recollected, I got from Mr. Cole. The reason why he sued me for the note was, to make his conduct appear consistent. After he sued me for $160, I then gave the $20 note against L. that I got of Mr. Cole, to A. Talbot, Esq. for collection; and I hold his receipt for the same. Then I went on my intended journey, done my business, and returned to Wilberforce. Ever since my return, L. has been trying to blast my reputation, so that he can go out with his falsehoods and collect money in the name of the poor, and put it in his own pocket. He (L.) found that he had got himself in a trap by false swearing in two instances above named. In order to make things appear in his favor, he went before the Grand Jury, who are bound to hear but one side of the case, and swore that the note was feloniously taken from his house; which I pronounce as base a perjury as ever was committed by any wretch that ever disgraced the walls of a State Prison.

<< AUSTIN STEWARD>>

I certify that I have read the foregoing letter, and believe it to be a fair statement of facts. As far as regards the note obtained from Cole, I feel confident that Mr. Steward came by it in a proper manner. I have taken cognizance of the matter as a Magistrate. I believe Steward to be an honest, well conducted man.

A. TALBOT, J.P.

London, 13th March, 1833.

OUR CORRESPONDENTS.

For Frederick Douglass' Paper.

FROM OUR NEW YORK CORRESPONDENT.

In continuing the study of the relation of the Free Colored People and the American Anti-Slavery Society, it will be well to look back for a moment at the condition of that people a few years before and up to the advent of that Society, or its great founder Wm. Lloyd Garrison.

The year 1808 was marked by the abolition of the African slave Trade, which was celebrated throughout the country by the colored people, in meetings, prayers, thanksgivings, and orations, some of which are yet extant in pamphlet form. One of them, delivered by Mr. (afterwards Reverent) Peter Williams, of New York, required the attestation of the bishop of the Diocese, to win credence to the fact that it was composed by a colored man. Thomas Sydney, William Hamilton, Peter Vogelsang and others, delivered spirited orations on returns of this glorious anniversary. The terms by which these orators addressed their hearers on that day, was universally “Beloved Africans!” It was not until 1817, when James Forten presided at the famous Anti-Colonization Meeting in Philadelphia, that the claim to be called colored people, or citizens of the birth land, was put forth.

In the year 1827, Slavery was finally abolished in the State of New York, o the 4th of July, a fitting, and intended re-celebration of Independence Day. On this occasion there was public rejoicing throughout the State. << Austin Steward>> delivered a public oration (part of which is preserved in print) in the public square in Rochester: a similar ceremony took place in Albany: and in New York city an overwhelming meeting was addressed in eloquent terms by Mr. Thomas L. Jennings: and the meeting was graced and ennobled by the presence of ex-Governor Daniel D. Tompkins, the author of the Emancipation act.

From its organization, March 23 rd, 1809, until 1828 or 30, the New York African Society for Mutual Relief, (a benefit Society.) celebrated its Incorporation by the State Legislature, by a procession through a Broadway, across the park and back to its hall, where the occasion terminated in an oration and grand dinner. The old banner “Am I not a Man and a Brother?” was borne through the streets, preceded by the Grand Marshal Samuel Hardenburgh, a magnificent black man, mounted on horse back, with a drawn sword in his hand, Pretty bold conduct this, in a slave State.
In the same year, 1827, the colored people had schools in Philadelphia, New York, Boston, and New Haven, but none in Hartford nor Providence. In the inland towns colored and white children, to a considerable extent, attended the same schools. The colored people also, in this year, had a press of their own, in New York City, the Freedom's Journal, edited by colored men.
Our business character was represented in Philadelphia by James Forten, John Bowers, and Joseph Cassey; in New York by Thomas Perkins, Thomas Downing, Samuel Class, Peter Williams, senior, rival of the Lerrilards, and Peter Vogelsang who was manager of the streamers of the Albany line.
In the religious world we were re presented in Boston by the eloquence of Rev. Thomas Paul; in New York by Reverends Peter William's, Theodore S. Wright and Samuel E. Cornish, all founders of churches; two of which survive their founders.

We had writers also, worthy of the times William Watkins, of Baltimore, flashed his young pen in the columns of the Freedom's Journal, and afterwards became the most brilliant correspondent of the Liberator. The Rev. Peter Williamson published a sermon on Colonization, which a few years after, headed off Elliot Cressen, the colonizationist in Glasgow, and Edinburgh. To the Rev. Samuel E. Cornish, however, senior Editor of the Freedom's Journal, belongs the palm as the [ ], most zealous and effective writer of that day. Of fine organization, cool temperament, and singular acuteness of mental vision, he became a leader and defender of our people, in those admirable compositions which he threw off form his Editorial chair. He pursued Colonization with a relentless power which unveiled every ghostly hiding place of that atrocious scheme: he upheld the rightfulness of Emancipation, the equality of the races, and defended amalgamation with a wit and sarcasm which silenced for along while the redoubtable Major Noah.

There were colored graduates from Boudoin and Amherst Colleges, and colored students at the Medical Colleges in New York and Baltimore: Dr. W.G. Smith, Dr. Wells, and the pure minded and philosophic Dr. John Brown.

Then we had also the New York Philomathean Society, with its debates, its lecture, an orations by colored men in the city of New York: and a rival association in Philadelphia.
On the 20th April, 1827, a meeting was held in Philadelphia, at which John Bowers presided, and John Gloucester acted as Secretary, for the purpose of erecting a high school for colored youth.
All these elements, all these instrumentalities pointed to the one focus Education, or Self-Elevation of the Colored People.

Hence, when in 1830-31, Mr. Garrison came among them, he found the Colored People already a “power on the earth.” And both he and the Anti-Slavery Societies of his creation, regarded this people and their elevation as a cardinal principle in the Anti-Slavery movement. Indeed Immediate abolition, and the affranchisement of the already free colored people, comprised the great objects of this organization: the first object was to be effected by acting on Public opinion; the second by practical labor among and in behalf of the free colored people. The great Anti-Slavery effort was to raise the Slaves to the condition of the Free Colored, and the Free Colored to the condition of the whites in the United States. Mr. Garrison said “Immediate Abolition does not mean that the slaves shall immediately exercise the rights of suffrage, or be eligible to any office, or be emancipated from law, or be free from the benevolent restraints of guardianship. It contends for the immediate personal freedom of the slaves, for their exemption from punishment except where law has been violated, for their employment and reward as free laborers, for their exclusive right to their own bodies and those of their children, for their instruction and subsequent affranchisement.” (Liberator, Vol. II, No.1.)

The New England Anti-Slavery Society was formed Jan. 1st, 1832. The 2nd Article of its Constitution states “The objects of this Society shall be to endeavor by all means sanctioned by law, humanity and religion, to effect the abolition of slavery in the United States, to improve the character and condition of the free people of color, to inform and correct public opinion in relation to their situation and rights, and obtain for them equal, civil and political rights and privileges with the whites.” (Liberator, Vol., II, No.7.)
The same ideas, in nearly the same words, became an article I the Constitution of the many Anti-Slavery societies, formed in New England and other States during the years 1832-3; and the same also in an article in the constitution of the great American Anti-Slavery Society, organized in Philadelphia, Dec. 6th, 1833.
What the N.E. Anti-Slavery Society meant by the latter clause of this article of its constitution, is explained by sundry, resolutions published by it in the Liberator of March 10th, 1832:

Resolved, That the friends of the people of color, and the people of color themselves, in the various towns in New England, be invited to form auxiliaries to this Society.
Resolved, That this Society request the parents or guardians of colored lads, who may wish to learn trades in this city (Boston) and its vicinity to make application to this Society for that purpose, and that a committee shall be chosen whose duty it shall be to provide places for such person.

(The following gentlemen were appointed the Committee on Trades, viz: Messrs. Garrison, Fuller, Coffin, Johnson (Oliver) and Rupp.)

Resolved, That colored parents who have children, and young lads themselves, be requested to enter their names and places of residence to the Chairman of the Apprentices Committee, whose duty shall be to register the applications made.

In the Report of the New England Anti-Slavery Society at its first Annual Meeting, January, 1833, it is stated: “It (the Society) is now making strenuous exertions for the establishment of a MANUAL LABOR SCHOOL FOR COLORED YOUTH, and will probably soon attain its object.” Liberator, Jan. 12th, 1833.

The Society appointed Wm. Lloyd Garrison, agent to colored funds for this Manual Labor School for Colored Youth. Mr. Garrison accepted the agency: and prepared to go to England for the purpose of raising the funds.
A public meeting of the colored citizens of New York, was held in Zion Church in April 1833, and another in the Presbyterian Church April 23 rd, 1833, to endorse Mr. Garrison's mission to England. (See Liberator, May 11th, 1833.) These meetings raised and presented to Mr. Garrison one hundred and thirty dollars towards defraying his expenses. I make this last statement on the authority of MR. Thomas Downing, of 5 Broad Street, New York City. Mr. Thomas L. Jennings presided at the last named meeting. Another object of Mr. Garrison's visit to England, was, to expose the Colonization Scheme. But his own statement of his object is contained in the following extract from a letter, written by him to the Liberator and dated Liverpool, May 23 rd, 1833.

“My principal object in visiting England is, to obtain funds for the establishment of a MANUAL LABOR SCHOOL FOR THE EDUCATION FO THE COLORD YOUTH OF OUR COUNTRY.” (Liberator, July 6, 1833.)

(Signed,) WM. LLOYD GARRISON.

This “manual Labor School for Colored Youth” is referred to as part and parcel of the Anti-Slavery work of the New England A.S. Society up to its Annual Meeting in 18335: further I have not its proceedings at hand, as they were not published in the Liberator in 1836.

The effort to collect funds was not unsuccessful: in the Liberator of July 5th, 1834. Mr. Garrison the agent for the school states as follows:

“MANUAL LABOR SCHOOL”

“Many of our readers probably recollect that the New England Anti-Slavery Convention warmly recommended the establishment of a Manual Labor School for the education of colored persons.

“More than fifteen hundred dollars have been subscribed for this object, including the amount given by the late Mr. Kenrick. We have no doubt that the whole of the moderate sum requisite to establish the proposed seminary can readily be raised by a little exertion of the friends of the colored race.
“Shall we not then use these exertions? Is there any way in which we can promote the welfare of our oppressed fellow citizens so successfully. As by giving them moral and intellectual cultivation? Let the free people of color have the same opportunities for acquiring, the knowledge which we enjoy, and they will easily vanquish the prejudices which still hold them in subjection. Until they have the same means of developing their powers as white men have the excellence of their character will never be generally appreciated. ** If we could be certain that in three years colored persons would be admitted to all our seminaries on equal terms with whites, it would be no sufficient reason for neglecting in the mean time, to supply them with such institutions as they need. ** The remarks made at the Convention by several colored persons, afford a conclusive answer to this argument. One of these gentlemen said very pertinently, 'While the grass is growing, the steed is starving.' ** It is next to impossible for a colored man to obtain admittance on equal terms to any College or Theological institution in New England. ** A mere nominal admission into these seminaries is of little value to a colored person, while his fellow students do not regard him as an equal.
“We exhort our friends to give freely to the Manual Labor School. They need not fear that it will interfere with mere direct exertions for the removal of slavery. Those who aid the free people of color in establishing this institution, will be likely to become more interested than ever for their brethren in bondage. And though promoting knowledge is not removing slavery, yet it aids in putting down prejudice, its grand support. The free people of color have a claim on us for such a school, which we ought not, as Christians and fellow-men, to neglect.”

“Shall we, where souls are lighted,

With wisdom from on high
Shall we to men benighted.
The lamp of the life deny?”

Such are the facts in this case. If there by any force in language, then did the American Anti-Slavery Society, by its pioneer, the N.E.A.S. Society, by its various tributary organizations, and by its own act solemnly bind itself to effect the elevation of the free people of color, to equal civil and political rights, as a part of its anti-slavery creed, and basis of action. If there be any force in language, they, the New England Anti-Slavery Society and its agent in this matter, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, solemnly pledged themselves, as men, Christians an abolitionists, to establish a Manual Labor School for colored youth.
Twenty odd years have elapsed since these pledges were made and published: how have they been fulfilled? Twenty years have elapsed, during which the American Anti-Slavery Society has expended a least half a million of dollars, in agencies, editors' salaries, newspaper publishing, &c., &c., and has controlled two millions of dollars more, in the business relations of its supporters; how many colored youth has this organization or any portion of it, or its supporters, helped to “trades” or to the higher departments of business as clerks, or editors, or merchants?

The American Anti-Slavery Society has had, within its own gift, in its own offices, situations ranging from $1200 to $500 per year, in which colored men of talent could have worked out that sort of proof of the capabilities of the race contemplated in the 2nd Article of the Constitution already quoted; but colored men were never placed in these positions, while white men of inferior merit crawled in, “waxed fat and Wicked” the cause by which they had profited, or sought in dignified silence a life long rest form a year or two of most profitable connection with the “cause.” The once highly salaried Stantons, Denisons, Birneys, Welds, and a host of others, are so deeply buried that the shrieks of freedom in Nebraska cannot reach them in their living graves. And swarm after swarm of hungry white abolitionists have feasted and fattened, and “dropped” in like manner on the soil which they abandoned.

Indirectly, too, hundreds of firms that now flourish in the mercantile world, are the grown up scions of white abolitionists, the Greyibus, Greyabus et Grayiculis, rectum et sinis trossum, russurs et prossum cum, (let Edmund Quincy, the historian, finish the sentence,) the brothers, cousins, second cousins (of the Aunt Jennies) of any white man who named the same of anti-slavery, and who were got into clerkships, &c., &c., of the rich business men who belonged to the Anti-Slavery Society: a colored man did now and then get a place as porter, but never, never was he raised above it, no matter what his talents or acquirements. And if colored men did seek at the hands of abolitionists, situations for their well accomplished sons, they were told, as Robert Purvis, Esq., of Byberry, was told by Mr. Davis, the merchant abolitionists, “No, sir; it would injure my business;” and anti-slavery meetings would say as they said in this case, and as they said in the case of Asa Fairbanks, last month, in Providence Amen!
Twenty years and more have elapsed since MR. Garrison announced fifteen hundred dollars subscribed (and a large part paid in, no doubt) for the Manual Labor School for colored youth; we do not ask, “where is that money?” we do not think for an instant that he squandered it; his nature is too noble for so mean a sin. Nor do we ask, Where is that Manual Labor School for colored youth? In the battles of the kinds, our poor little people perished. But we do ask, when, in 1853, we colored people, well assured of aid form Andover, and still deeply needing such a school, began anew an effort to found one, we ask, where was William Lloyd Garrison? Did he, mindful of his early love, and early pledges, (based on a substantial guid pro quo,) and of his first mission to England, did he give us people of color a helping hand, a word of cheer, in pubic, or even in a whisper? And when we, smarting under his studied silence, gave vent to our feelings in words, he, in return, accused us of laboring under a “morbid state of mind.” “We are not made, most noble Festus, but speak the words of truth and soberness. “ Truth, how painful! Soberness, how sad!
We point out to you, gentlemen of American Anti-Slavery Society we point out to you, Mr. Garrison, its President, the same terrible destitution of lettered and mechanical business education among the free blacks of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois especially, and Pennsylvania and New York in part the same destitution in 1855 that existed in 1833; and we ask you, where are your bowels of mercy? Part of your mission you have well and thoroughly accomplished; you have roused the public attention to the sin sand shame of slavery; but the other part, to which you ere of old equally pledged, you have left undone; and the public will is partly paralyzed by this omission. Gentlemen, have you entirely abandoned this second part of your solemn pledge? Have we come to the parting of the ways forever? Must we erect our Manual Labor School and elevate ourselves in the teeth of the opposition of the American Anti-Slavery Society?

But I must close this letter: there is proof enough herein, that if there has been any “holding aloof” or desertion between the free colored people and the American Anti-Slavery Society, then the American Anti-Slavery Society has deserted the free colored people, who are now, in 1855, on the same platform laid down by John Bowers and John Gloucester, in April, 1827 our platform, on which the anti-slavery host came in 1833 let the Society and its members say whether they remain there still. In one more paper, I propose to say a word on the religious aspect of those relations.

Yours, COMMUNIPAW.

From the Genius of Universal Emancipation.

WILBERFORCE SETTLEMENT.

The Editor of the Genius of Universal Emancipation recently visited this interesting settlement of colored people, in the province of Upper Canada. The sole object in doing this was to obtain correct information respecting the situation, climate, soil, the present prospects of the settlers, &c. &c., with the view of publishing an accurate statement thereof, as extensively as possible, for the benefit of that oppressed and persecuted race in the United States. A very minute journal was kept, in passing through the province from Queenston, via the head of Lake Ontario and the aforesaid settlement, to Detroit, in order to bear in mind whatever might be observed, worthy of a place in the account thus to be published. This Journal will shortly be inserted in length in the Genius of Universal Emancipation. At present our views must be confined to the state things connected with the actual condition and prospects of the Wilberforce Settlement.

We have heretofore noticed sundry statements which originated in other papers, relative to the progress of this colony of colored exiles, who have thus sought a refuge from the demon spirit of persecution, in these states, as did the pilgrim fathers of American Colonization, when a similar spirit raged and trampled down the sacred rights of man, in the [ ] empires of Europe.&#151 But much that we were enabled to gather in that way was uncertain and contradictory; of course little dependence could be placed on it. We now can vouch for the correctness of what we lay before our readers.

The Wilberforce Settlement is situated on the river Au Sable, in the District of London, Upper Canada. It commences twelve miles from the village of London, (London Court Houses,) and extends north-westwardly, along the road, leading to [ ] on Lake Huron, upwards of four miles. The last mentioned place is about twenty-five or thirty miles from the Au Sable, where this road crosses it, north of which the colored people have made but one opening. The distance from York, U.C., to the settlement, by way of London, is one hundred and forty-eight miles&#151 from Queenston or Niagara Falls, by the head of Lake Ontario, and London, about the same distance&#151 from Buffalo, (proceeding up Lake Erie to Port Talbot, at the mouth of Kettle Creek,) perhaps little more than one hundred miles, thirty-seven miles only of which is travelled by land&#151 from Sandwich opposite Detroit, by London, one hundred and twenty-three miles.

No place, perhaps, in the northern or northwestern portion of America presents a stronger and richer soil, or a country more beautifully situated for agricultural pursuits, than this. It is covered with a heavy growth of timber, consisting of oak, hickory, sugar maple, beach, ash, poplar, bass, &c., &c., with some cherry and walnut; and along the streams may be seen a portion of elm and sycamore. The land, in general, is gently rolling, though very much diversified. Along the streams it is considerably uneven; yet there are no hills of magnitude; and between the water courses, in some places, it is quite level. There are some fine springs, and the water is clear and excellent. The soil appears, generally, to be a dark loam, intermixed with more or less clay and gravel; but there is very little sand; and the whole is deeply clothed with a black vegetable mould, which renders it extremely fertile. All kinds of grain, &c., produced north of the Carolinas, succeed well here. The ground is entirely clear of stone on the surface, but there are quarries (mostly of limestone) in the elevations, particularly along the streams.

Markets for the produce of this part of the country will be convenient, as it is but a short distance either to Lake Erie on the south, or Lake Huron on the north;&#151 and the navigable waters of the Thames approach within a few miles of London, the seat of government for the District of the same. Manufacturing may also be extensively carried on, the various streams with which the country abounds affording excellent facilities for the application of water power.

On a reference to the map, it will be perceived that the Wilberforce Settlement is very nearly in the same latitude with Albany in the state of New York. But the climate is much more mild than at that place, as there are no mountainous elevations to increase the rigors of winter, as there are about the middle of New-York and Pennsylvania. An account of the state of the weather was kept at Wilberforce, through the month of December, which is annexed to this article; and it will be seen that the severity of the cold was not greater than it is frequently known to be much further to the south. At no time during the present winter, has the snow fallen as deep in this part of Canada, as it has south of Lake Erie; and it has been observed, by old settlers, that it seldom or never does.

It will be recollected that the Wilberforce Settlement was commenced by a few colored persons from Cincinnati, Ohio, who were induced to seek an asylum there, from the storm of persecution that appeared to be gathering in that section of country and directing its force towards them.* The business was badly managed at first. The persons who acted as agents contracted for more land than they could pay for according to agreement. A new bargain was then made, and another failure to comply with the terms succeeded. Confidence in their ability to prosecute the business successfully, was impaired. At length a smaller quantity of land has been secured to the company, and individuals have made purchases on their own account. A number of very respectable and intelligent men have taken residence there. Some of these are in good easy circumstances&#151 a few even wealthy&#151 and it is believed that every thing will go on well hereafter.

The members of the Settlement have entered into an association for mutual assistance, &c. They have appointed a Board of Managers, of which << Austin Steward>> , formerly of Rochester, New-York, is the President. The Rev. Benjamin Paul, late of New-York city, is their Treasurer; and the funds that may be collected, in the way of donation, &c. will be applied to the purchase of land and necessaries, for the settlement and comfort of those who may be induced by persecution, &c. to remove thither from the United States, while destitute of the means to support themselves and families. An Agent has been commissioned to proceed to England, with the view of interesting the British government and people in the promotion of the desired object; and the friends of the maltreated African descendants may now look for the accomplishment of something there, worthy of an intelligent people and the high importance of the occasion. Full confidence may be placed in those at present selected to manage the public concerns of the settlement; and the true friends of the oppressed could scarcely render a more acceptable service to the cause of philanthropy, than by assisting, with pecuniary and other means, the persecuted colored man in obtaining a residence there. Under the liberal provisions of the government regulations, as now interpreted and administered, ALL ARE FREE AND EQUAL. Every citizen, without distinction of color or cast, is entitled to all the privileges and immunities that the most favored individual can claim. And there is no danger of an alteration in this state of things while the European influence exists in the councils of the province, as it now does, and will, doubtless, continue to do.

There are, at this time, thirty-two families residing in the settlement, which average about five individuals to each. (It is stated, by the settlers, that upwards of two thousand persons have visited and intended to establish themselves at that place, most of whom were necessitated to go to other parts of the province, where they could obtain employment, not being able to support themselves while they could clear the land, plant,
&c.)&#151 Four or five of the families, now there, arrived about twenty months since;&#151 the rest at later periods; and some few of them quite recently. Twenty five families have purchased land; and the most of them have erected tolerably comfortable houses, and cleared a few acres of ground. They have purchased nearly two thousand acres, in the whole two hundred of which are cleared, and about sixty sown with wheat. The settlers have cut a wide road, though seven miles and a quarter of very thickly and heavily timbered land, for the Canada Company.&#151 the price for which was placed to their credit the purchase of their several lots. It should also be remarked that, in clearing, they leave no trees deadened and standing, as it is customary with many in new settlements; but cut all off, though the labor is great. They have about one hundred held of cattle and swine, and a few horses. Oxen are mostly used with them, for hauling, ploughing, &c. They have a good substantial saw-mill, erected on a branch of the Au Sable, within the precincts of their settlement, and, of course, they will hence have no difficulty in procuring lumber for building. (Their dwellings are, as yet, constructed of logs&#151 some of them hewed&#151 and a few have well shingled roofs) There are one grist mill and two other saw-mills within eight or nine miles of the settlement, and one grist-mill is part built within five or six miles of them.&#151 Several small stores are located also near by; and a tailor, shoemaker, and blacksmith reside among them. They have two good schools, for the education of their children; one of which is under the charge of Thomas J. Paul, son of the Rev. B. Paul, a youth of fine promise.** In the summer season a daughter of the same gentleman and a quite accomplished and amiable young woman&#151 also teaches a school for girls. A Sabbath school is likewise kept up in the warm season, under the direction of << Austin Steward>> . Two regular meetings for religious worship are established among them, for the Baptist and the Methodist denominations. A Temperance Society has also been organized, the members of which have pledged themselves to exert their influence in discouraging both the vending and use of all kinds of ardent spirits. The settlers, generally, are sober, industrious, and thrifty. In their houses, things mostly appear clean, neat, and comfortable.

Between the village of London and this settlement the country is pretty thickly inhabited; and within a few miles to the southwest of it, there are a considerable number of white people, mostly Europeans, and their immediate descendants born in Canada. Emigrants from the United States are beginning to settle about London, and to the south of that place. Twenty-five or thirty miles to the northwest, and about the same distance to the northeast, there are likewise settlements, most of those composing which are said to be English, Irish, Scotch, Welsh, &c. &c. These Europeans are, in general, very friendly to the colored people. While the 'yankees' (as they denominate all emigrants from these States) are still actuated by their abominable prejudices against the colored race, the Irish, &c., are often heard to say they prefer the people of color, as neighbors and citizens, to them. The natives, or Canadians (born in the country) appear likewise quite as friendly to the colored population, as to the 'yankees.' It is believed these observations will also very generally hold good, throughout the Canadas.

The Canada Company, from which the settlers at Wilberforce have purchased their land, is about to make a good road through the whole distance from London to Lake Huron. It is now in part finished to this settlement; and a great number of laborers will find employment there the ensuing summer. Some of the settlers will also want assistance in improving their lands; and good, industrious, working colored men may do well by proceeding thither early this spring, if they have only the means of getting there. Some apprehension is felt that the price of land will be raised, when the aforesaid mad shall be completed; but even should this be the case, emigrants will, no doubt, be able to procure enough on favorable terms, near by, if prepared to make prompt payment. Many poor white settlers, in the neighborhood of Wilberforce, offer to sell their improvements, upon reasonable terms, in order to go further towards the frontier, where they may get more land; and colored persons, who are somewhat forehanded, will find it very advantageous to purchase these improvements. They may be had at from $2,50 to $5,00 per acre, including buildings, &c. Unimproved land has heretofore sold at $1.50 per acre.

We learn that there are several other settlements of colored people in various parts of Upper Canada, among which may be enumerated the following:&#151 One on Lake Simcoe, in the northeastern part of the province&#151 one at Woolwich, on or near Grand River, north of Brantford, and thirty or forty miles from the head of Lake Ontario&#151 one at Chatham Creek, near the river Themes, about sixty-five miles below London, and fifty-five or sixty above Sandwich, opposite Detroit&#151 and another near Malden, 18 miles south of Sandwich, a little distance from the mouth of Detroit river, and opposite Brownstown, at the mouth of Huron river. This last is said to be composed of three or four hundred persons; and there is a ferry from Brownstown to Malden, where many of the emigrants cross when the river is not obstructed by ice.

But the settlement at Wilberforce will be, by far, the most important, as there are men of known intelligence and public spirit there, who will give it a consequence, that probably will not, at least very soon, be attached to the others. It will, indeed, be viewed by the colored people as a nucleus, for an extensive emigration from the northern and middle parts of this Union, especially from Virginia, and several contiguous States. Many will go there, and obtain information that well induce them to settle in other places, when the price of land shall rise and more new settlements be opened. They will thus scatter over the province, some one way and some another; but many will stop here, as at a central point, which first shall have attracted their attention, and where they will find intelligent friends and brethren.

The following table, exhibiting the state of the weather, at Wilberforce, from the 3d to the 25th of December last, (the coldest part of the season,) was politely furnished by << Austin Steward>> , one, among the few, of the most intelligent and worthy colored men in America. The thermometer was placed the whole time in the open air.

State of the Weather at Wilberforce, Upper Canada,
from the 3d to the 25th of December, 1831.

Days of the
month.Degrees
below
freezing.Degrees
below
cypher.Prevalence
of the
wind.

December 3,

12&#151Southerly.

4,

30&#151do.

5,

&#1512do.

6,

&#15122do.

7,

14&#151S.W.

8,

15&#151do.

9,

20&#151do.

10,

22&#151N.

11,

16&#151S.

12,

18&#151S.W.

13,

15&#151N.

14,

16&#151S.

15,

19&#151W.

16,

20&#151S.

17,

26&#151W.

18,

27&#151S.

19,

25&#151W.

20,

10&#151S.

21,

20&#151N.

22,

20&#151E.

23,

6&#151S.

24,

10&#151do.

25,

6&#151do.

Through the early part of the month of January, 1832, the mercury ranged at about one deg. below the freezing point, wind southwardly, for a number of days; and about the middle of the month the weather was mild, and it thawed considerably.

* In justice to the great mass of the citizens of Ohio, it must be stated that, notwithstanding the political and moral fanaticism of a few misguided and highly prejudiced creatures who had found their way into offices of 'brief authority;' although they made as much noise (a momentary noise 1) as the thundering artillery of the heathen Jove; and while a few of their intended victims of their terrible wrath were frightened into exile, not one has been actually forced to go out of the State. Whatever their representations may hereafter do to prevent others coming in, from the south, there is too much humanity in the citizens, generally, to drive out, against his will, a single well behaved colored man who, is now there. The slavite 'fanatics,' it is hoped, comprise a loan minority in the great State of Ohio.

** Such are the excellent regulations, and so high is the reputation, of this school, that a number of respectable white people send their children to it, in preference to others that are conducted by white teachers. The following testimony to the good conduct, &c., of its superintendent, is highly honorable to him. It is a copy of a Certificate presented him on leaving the Academy.